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John VI
João VI
Portrait of King D. John VI;
José Leandro de Carvalho, c. 1818
在位期間
15 November 1825 – 10 March 1826
在位期間
20 March 1816 – 10 March 1826
先代 Maria I
次代 Pedro IV
出生 (1767-05-13) 1767年5月13日
Lisbon, Portugal
死亡 1826年3月10日(1826-03-10)（58歳没）
Lisbon, Portugal
埋葬 Royal Pantheon of the Braganza Dynasty
実名 João Maria José Francisco Xavier de Paula Luís António Domingos Rafael
王室 House of Braganza
父親 Peter III of Portugal
母親 Maria I of Portugal
配偶者 Carlota Joaquina of Spain
子女
Maria Teresa, Princess of Beira
Francisco António, Prince of Beira
Maria Isabel, Queen of Spain
Pedro IV
Infanta Maria Francisca
Infanta Isabel Maria
Miguel I
Infanta Maria da Assunção
Infanta Ana de Jesus Maria, Duchess of Loulé
信仰 Roman Catholicism
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ジョアン6世 (Portuguese: Dom João VI;[1] 1767-05-13 – 1826-03-10) はポルトガル・ブラジル及びアルガルヴェ連合王国の王（在位1816年―1822年）であり。事実上は彼の統治した連合王国は消滅したが、彼は法的には1822年から1825年の間は、1825年にブラジルの独立を認めた「リオデジャネイロ条約」締結まで王位を維持した。また彼は1826年し死去するまでポルトガル及びアルガルヴェ国王であった。 条約には、彼はジョアン6世は「形式上の」ブラジル皇帝と明記されており息子のペドロ1世が事実上、かつ法的なのブラジル皇帝とされていた。

1767年にリスボンで王配ペドロ3世と女王マリア1世の間に生まれた。彼は当初は王子の一人にすぎなかったが、長兄のジョゼが1788年に天然痘で27歳で死亡すると推定相続人となった。

彼がポルトガルの王位に即位する前は、ブラガンサ公とベジャ公、ブラジル公の称号を保持していた。 母マリア1世の精神的な病のせいで、彼は1799年から摂政王子として仕えていた（のちに1815年から、連合王国の摂政王子となる） 彼が母からポルトガル帝国の王位を受けた時も、現実の変化はなかった。摂政として、彼は既に絶対的な権力を有していたからである。

最後の絶対君主の一人であり、彼は激動の時代を生きた。彼の治世に永続した平和はなかった。 彼が摂政、国王として生きた時代、スペイン、フランス、イギリス（1801年グレートブリテン及びアイルランド連合王国）のような大国が継続的にポルトガルの問題に介入してきた。 ナポレオン軍がポルトガルを侵略され、ブラジルへの逃避を強いられたときには、彼はそこでは大都市のような場所でさえ自由主義の反乱に直面した。彼は新たの紛争の中でヨーロッパへの帰還を強いられた。 彼の結婚は軋轢が少なくなかった。彼の妻カルロッタ・ジョアキナは繰り返し、個人的な利益や母国スペインのために陰謀をめぐらした。 彼は、息子のペドロが独立を宣言したときにブラジルを失い、もう一人の息子ミゲル（のちのミゲル1世）は、彼を退位させる反乱を率いた。近年の研究では、彼の死はヒ素による毒殺ではないかと言われている。

にもかかわらず。彼が足跡を残したこれら苦難は、とくにブラジルでは、多くの自治の基礎となる機関と組織を創設し、多くの研究者によって彼は近代ブラジルの真の創設者と言われる。依然として、彼はポルトガル・ブラジルの歴史では、広く（不当に）戯画化され、怠惰と政治的洞察力の欠如、優柔不断ぶりを非難されている、グロテスクな風貌に描かれる。

生い立ち

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『ジョアン王子の肖像』1785年.

ジョアン・マリア・ジョゼ・フランシスコ・シャビエル・デ・パウラ・ルイス・アントニオ・ドミンゴス・ラファエル（João Maria José Francisco Xavier de Paula Luís António Domingos Rafael）は祖父ジョアン1世の治世の1767年5月13日にのちのマリア1世と王配となるペドロ3世の間の次男として誕生した。ジョアンの誕生時、両親は「ブラジル女公」とポルトガル王子であった。 祖父が崩御し、母がポルトガル国王に即位したとき彼は10歳であった。 彼の幼少期と青年期は、単なる王子の一人として、彼の兄の推定相続人で第14代ブラガンサ公ブラジル公ジョゼの陰のもと平穏な生活であった。 民話にはジョアンは教養のない若者として記されている。しかしJorge Pedreira e Costaによれば、彼はジョゼと同様の厳格な教育を受けていた。依然として当時のフランス大使が彼を優柔不断で陰気な男と見て、不利な色に肖像を描いた。 彼の生活の当時の記録は歴史家には大変漠然としすぎていて、確固たる姿をつかむことはできない[2]。

伝統的によれば、彼の芸術と科学のチューターにはManuel do Cenáculo神父、 Antônio Domingues do PaçoとMiguel Franziniとが含まれており、音楽の教師はオルガン奏者のJoão Cordeiro da Silvaと作曲家のJoão Sousa de Carvalhoであった。また彼の騎馬の指導はCarlos Antônio Ferreira Monte二等軍曹であった。 彼の教育の本質がわずかながらわかる。彼は確かに宗教、法律、フランス語、エチケットの指導を受けていたし、恐らくはDuarte Nunes de Leãoとw:João de Barrosの著作を通じて歴史を学んでいたであろう。[3]

結婚と継承

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Prince John, Prince of Brazil, Duke of Braganza; Giuseppe Troni, c. 1788.

1785年に第3代ルリサル侯爵エンリケ・デ・メネセスがジョアンとスペインのカルロス4世とマリア・ルイーザ王妃の間に生まれたカルロッタ・ジョアキナ王女との結婚を調えた。 「新イベリア連合」の誕生を危惧して、ポルトガル宮廷の中にはスペイン王女の輿入れを好ましく思わなかったものもいた。 婚姻の協定が確認される前に、彼女はポルトガル大使によるテストに4日間耐えた。 ジョアンとカルロッタは親戚であり、花嫁の若さゆえに、結婚には教皇の許可が必要であった。 確認後、結婚はスペイン王室の謁見の間で署名された。華やかな飾りと両王国から出席者が見守る中で、続いて代理結婚式が執り行われた。 [4]

王女は1785年5月のはじめにはw:Ducal Palace of Vila Viçosaに移動し、同年の6月9日に新郎新婦は宮殿の教会で結婚の祝福を受けた。 同時に、ジョアンの妹マリアナ・ヴィクトリア王女とスペインの王族ガブリエル王子も結婚した。

当時のジョアンとマリアナとの間の勤勉な対応は彼の妹の不在が彼を圧迫していることを明らかにした。彼の若い妻に比べて、ジョアンは書いている「彼女はたいへん機敏で決断力を多分に持っている。それに引き替え、お前はそれが少なく、私は彼女を多くを好むが、全てを等しく愛することはできない」。 ジョアンの若い花嫁はちっとも従順ではなく、ときにはマリア女王に介入した。さらに、彼らの世代の違い（ジョアンは18歳）は結婚をジョアンにとって居心地が悪く、不安なものにした。 カルロッタは若過ぎなのだ。結婚はすべきではなかった。ジョアンは書いている。「私が王女と大いに楽しむであろう時がここに到来する。これらのことが行くすべは、思うに今から6年はかかろう。彼女が嫁いだ時より、少し成長したらよりよくなるだろうに」。事実、1790年4月5日まで「床入り」は待たれた。1793年カルロッタは9人の子どものうちの第一子テレサ王女を産んだ[4]。

彼の比較的平穏な生活は1788年9月11日の兄のジョゼの急逝を以て激変した。これはジョアンに推定相続人の身分とブラジル公と第15代ブラガンサ公の位をもたらした。 [5] 大いなる希望がジョゼの双肩にかかっていた。彼は啓蒙主義の進歩的な理想と結びついてた。 聖職者によって批判された啓蒙主義の時代、彼はポンバル侯爵の反教会主義政策に傾倒して現れた。

ジョアンはそれとは対照的に、信心深く、絶対主義を好んでいいることでよく知られていた。王位継承危機はテッサロニカ大司教Ignacio de São Caetanoの死の直後に悪化し、女王の聴罪司祭と強力な政治的な存在がジョアンに好意を持つ者たちをマリア女王の大臣に選ぶという「物議を醸す選択」に影響を及ぼした。しかし重要なそれらポストに野心的なw:fidalgosからの 強い反対はなかった。 さらに、これらの死後、ジョアンは重病になり生死の境をさまよった。

彼は回復したが、1791年に再び「吐血と下血」をする病気になった。マリアルバ侯爵礼拝堂付神父の残した記録によると、ジョアンの精神はいつも打ち沈んでいると書き加えられている。 これは彼の将来の治世について緊張した雰囲気と不確実性を作り出した[6]。

摂政

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Prince Regent John and a Bust of Maria I, his Mother; Domingos Sequeira, 1802

Meanwhile, the queen showed increasing signs of mental instability. On 1792-02-10, seventeen doctors signed a document declaring her unable to manage the kingdom, with no prospect for her condition to improve. John was reluctant to take the reins of power, rejecting the idea of a formal regency. This opened the way for elements of the nobility to form a de facto government via a Council. Rumors circulated that John exhibited symptoms of the same insanity, and that he might be prevented from ruling. According to longstanding laws that guided the institution of regency, were the regent to die or become incapable for any reason, and having children of less that fourteen years—John's situation at the time—government would be exercised by the guardians of those children or, if guardians had not be formally named, by the wife of the regent: in John's case, a Spanish infanta. Fear, suspicion and intrigue engulfed the entire institutional framework of the nation.[7]

At the same time, the French Revolution perplexed and horrified the reigning houses of Europe. The execution of the French king Louis XVI on 1793-01-21 by the revolutionaries precipitated an international response. On 1793-07-15 Portugal signed a treaty with Spain, and on 26 September allied itself with Great Britain, both treaties pledging mutual aid against revolutionary France and bringing six thousand Portuguese soldiers into the War of the Pyrenees (1793–1795), a campaign that began with an advance to Roussillon in France and ended in defeat with French conquest of northeastern Spain. This created a delicate diplomatic problem, as Portugal could not make peace with France without damaging an alliance with England that involved several overseas interests, and thus sought a neutrality that proved fragile and tense.[8][9]

After the defeat, Spain abandoned its alliance with Portugal and allied with France under the Peace of Basel. With Britain too powerful for France to attack directly, France set its sights on Portugal.[10] In 1799, John officially assumed the reins of government as Prince Regent in the name of his widowed mother;[11] that same year Napoleon Bonaparte staged his coup in France and coerced Spain to issue an ultimatum that the Portuguese break with Great Britain and submit the country to the interests of Napoleon. With John's refusal, neutrality became unviable. Spain and France invaded in 1801, setting off the War of the Oranges; a defeated Portugal signed the Treaty of Badajoz and the subsequent Treaty of Madrid, under which it ceded territory to Spain, in particular Olivenza, and made concessions to French over certain colonial territories.[12][13] With conflicting interests among all the countries involved, the war was marked by ambiguous movements and secret agreements. Portugal, as the weakest player, could not avoid continued struggle.[10] At the same time, John had to face an enemy at home. His wife, Carlota Joaquina, loyal to Spanish interests, initiated an intrigue with the objective of deposing her husband and taking power herself, an attempt that failed in 1805, resulting in the queen's exile from court, after which she resided at Queluz National Palace, while the regent took up residency at Mafra National Palace.[14][15]

ブラジルへの逃避

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→詳細は「w:Transfer of the Portuguese Court to Brazil」を参照
Prince Regent Reviewing the Troops at Azambuja; Domingos Sequeira, 1803.

摂政王子は、フランスに見かけ上は恭順の意を示し、イギリスのジョージ3世に両国間の戦争を示唆したが、ナポレオンの大陸封鎖令に従う気はなかった。 イギリスとの新たな密約はイギリスが最終的な王室の退避の支援を保証するものであった。 この協定はイギリスから好感をもたれた。イギリスに対して常に友好的な態度をとる合法的な政府を維持し、ポルトガルに対する影響力を維持し、大西洋にまたがるポルトガル帝国との莫大な貿易の利を得続けるのだから。 フランスかイギリスかどちらに従うかを選ぶことだけがポルトガルには問題であった。決定をためらうと、ポルトガルはどちらかではなく両国と戦争をすることになる危険があるのだ。 1807年10月フランス軍が近づいているとの報がもたらされ、11月16日にはイギリス戦隊がリスボン港に7,000の兵力とともに到来した。イギリスの護衛でブラジルに逃避するか、フランスの首都攻撃、征服にに降伏するか、ポルトガル宮廷は親フランスと、親イギリスに割れた。両国の重圧の中でジョアンは苦渋に満ちた決断を下した。イギリスの護衛を受け入れ、ブラジルに避難すると。 [10][16][17]

1807年11月30日、ジュノー率いるフランス軍の侵略が困難を伴いながら進軍しリスボンの門に至った。[14] 。この時までに摂政王子と王室成員全員と貴族の大多数と、役人、使用人が同行し、高価な芸術品や蔵書も含まれる荷物が運びこまれており、摂政府の侵略者との戦闘にはかかわらないようにとの推奨のもと政府は、ポルトガルを離れた。 暴風雨で道がぬかるむなかで、あわただしい出発は、リスボンに混乱を起こした。驚愕した人々は王子が自分たちを捨てたことを信じることができなかった。 [18][19] w:José Acúrsio das Nevesの資料によると、出発は摂政王子の役割に深い感情をもたらした。

彼は話したかったが、出来ず、彼は動きたかったが身もだえし、歩みを進めることに成功しなかった。彼は深淵に歩を進め、未来の闇と自身の身をゆだね到達する大洋のごとき不確かさに思いを巡らした。国、首都、王国、民、彼はそれらすべてとにわかに離れようとしていた。それらを再び目にする希望がほとんどないこととともに、すべては心を刺す棘であった。 [20]
The Embarkation of the John VI and the Royal Family; 1810.

人民に自説を発表するために、ジョアンはポスターを街路のあちらこちらに張り出すよう命じた。ポスターには王国の保証と平和のための努力にもかかわらず、亡命を余儀なくされたこよが説明されていた。そして人民に無益な流血を避けるために平静を維持し、侵略者に抵抗しないようにとも書いていた。 Because of the rush to depart, the Prince Regent John, the Queen Maria, Prince Pedro, Prince of Beira (later Pedro I of Brazil and Pedro IV of Portugal) and Infante Miguel (later Miguel I of Portugal) were all in a single ship. This was an imprudent decision given the dangers of a transatlantic voyage in that era, placing at risk the succession of the crown in case of shipwreck. Carlota Joaquina and the infantas were on two other ships. [21] The number of people who embarked with John remains a matter of controversy; in the 19th century there was talk of up to 30 thousand emigrants;[22] more recent estimates vary between five hundred and fifteen thousand, the latter being close to the maximum capacity of the squadron of fifteen ships, including their crews. Still, the ships were overcrowded. According to Pedreira e Costa, taking into account all of the variables, the most likely numbers fall between four and seven thousand passengers plus the crews. Many families were separated, and even high officials failed to secure a place on the ships and were left behind. The voyage was not a tranquil one. Several ships were in precarious condition, and overcrowding created humiliating situations for the nobility, the majority of whom had to sleep huddled in the open, in the poops. Hygienic conditions were bad, including an epidemic of head lice. Many had failed to bring changes of clothing. Several people fell ill. Supplies were scarce, causing rationing. Furthermore, the flotilla spent ten days nearly becalmed in Equatorial zone under a scorching heat, where the mood turned sour and there were murmurings. The flotilla also faced two storms and was eventually dispersed near Madeira. In the middle of the voyage, Prince John changed his plans and decided to head for Salvador, Bahia, probably for political reasons—to please the inhabitants of the colony's first capital, which had given many signs of discontent with the loss of its old status—while the ships carrying the infantas held to the original destination of Rio de Janeiro. [23][24]

植民地の変化

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Decree of the opening of the ports, National Library of Brazil.

On 22 January 1808, the Prince Regent's ship and two others arrived in Baía de Todos os Santos, Brazil. The streets of Salvador were deserted, because the governor, the Count of Ponte, preferred to await the prince's orders before permitting the people to receive him. Finding this attitude odd, John ordered that all could come as they wished.[25] However, to allow the nobility to compose themselves after such an arduous journey, the landing was postponed until the next day, when they were received joyfully amidst a procession, ringing of bells and a celebration of a Te Deum at the Cathedral. In the following days the prince received all who wished to give homage, granting the ceremony of the beija-mão (the kissing of the monarch's hand) and conceding various mercies.[26] Among the latter, he decreed the creation of a public lecture series on economics and a school of surgery,[27] but his most decisive action at this moment was the Decree of Opening the Ports to Friendly Nations (Decreto de Abertura dos Portos às Nações Amigas), a measure of vast political and economic importance and the first of many that went to improve conditions in the colony. However, naturally, Britain, whose economy depended in great part on maritime commerce, and for whom the Portuguese and Brazilian monarchy was now something of a protectorate, was the most direct beneficiary, obtaining various privileges.[28]

Allegory of the arrival of Dom João in Brazil

Salvador spent a month in commemorations of the presence of the court, and tried to seduce the court into making Salvador the new seat of the kingdom, offering to construct a luxurious palace as a home for the royal family, but John declined and continued his voyage, having already announced to various nations his intention to make his capital at Rio de Janeiro. His ship entered Guanabara Bay on 7 March, where he met the infantas and other members of his entourage whose ships had arrived earlier. On the 8th, finally, the whole court disembarked, encountering a city adorned to receive them with nine days of uninterrupted celebrations.[29] A well-known chronicler of the era, Father Perereca, eyewitness to the arrival, while lamenting the news of the invasion of metropolitan Portugal, also intuited the significance of the arrival of the court on Brazilian soil:

If so great were the motives of sorrow and distress, no less were the causes of comfort and pleasure: a new order of things was going to begin this part of the southern hemisphere. The design of the Empire of Brazil could already be considered in place, and eagerly wished the powerful hand of our lord the Prince Regent to cast the first stone of future greatness, prosperity and power of the new empire.[30]

With a court, the essential apparatus of a sovereign state became inevitable: the senior civil, religious, and military officials; aristocrats and liberal professionals, skilled artisans, public servants. For many scholars, the transfer of the court to Rio began the establishment of the modern Brazilian state and constituted Brazil's first step toward true independence.[31] While Brazil at this time remained formally and juridically a Portuguese colony, in the words of Caio Prado, Jr.

King John Listening to Father José Maurício, by Henrique Bernardelli.
"Establishing in Brazil the seat of a monarchy, the regent ipso facto abolished the colonial regime under which the country had lived until then. All the characteristics of that [colonial] regime disappeared, the only remaining part of the colonial situation was to be under a foreign government. One after another, the old workings of colonial administration were abolished and replaced by those of a sovereign nation. Economic restrictions fell and thoughts of the country's interests moved to the front of government policy."[32]

But first it was necessary to provide accommodations for the newcomers, a difficult problem to resolve given the cramped proportions of the city of Rio at that time. In particular, there were few homes suitable for the nobility, especially the case for the royal family themselves, who were installed in the viceregal palace, known today as the Paço Imperial (Imperial Palace). Though large, it was comfortless and nothing like Portuguese palaces. As large as it was, it was not enough to accommodate everyone, neighboring buildings were also requisitioned, such as the Carmelite Convent, the town hall, and even the jail. To meet the needs of other nobles and to install new government offices, innumerable small residences were hastily expropriated, their proprietors arbitrarily ejected, at times violently in the face of resistance. Despite the efforts of Viceroy Marcos de Noronha e Brito and of Joaquim José de Azevedo, the regent was still poorly accommodated. Merchant Elias Antônio Lopes offered his country house, the Quinta da Boa Vista, a sumptuous villa in excellent location that immediately met with the prince's satisfaction. Renovations and expansion transformed this into the Paço de São Cristóvão ("Palace of Saint Christopher"). Carlota Joaquina, for her part, preferred to settle on a farm near the beach of Botafogo, continuing her habit of living apart from her husband.[33]

View of the Largo do Carmo, now site of the Praça Quinze de Novembro in the center of Rio, a few years after the arrival of the court.

The city, which at that time had about 70,000 inhabitants, saw itself transformed overnight. The additional populace, full of new requirements, imposed a new organization in the supply of food and other consumer goods, including luxury items. It took years for the Portuguese to settle in, causing years of chaos in the daily life of Rio; rents doubled, taxes rose, and food was in short supply, requisitioned by the imported nobility. This soon dispelled popular enthusiasm over the prince regent's arrival. The very shape of the city began to change, with the construction of innumerable new residences, villas and other buildings, and various improvements to services and infrastructure. Likewise, the presence of the court introduced new standards of etiquette, new fashions and new customs including a new social stratification.[34][35][36][37]

Among said customs, John continued in Brazil the ancient Portuguese ceremony of the beija-mão, which he esteemed greatly and which fascinated the Brazilians and became part of their folklore.[38] He received his subjects daily, except for Sundays and holidays. The long lines waiting to pay their respects and receive favors were a mix of nobles and commoners. According to painter Henry L’Evêque, "the Prince, accompanied by a Secretary of State, a Chamberlain and some household officials, received all the petitions that were presented to him; listened attentively to all the complaints, all the requests of the applicants; consoled one, encouraged others.... The vulgarity of the manners, the familiarity of speech, the insistence of some, the prolixity of others, none of this bored him. He seemed to forget that he was their master, and remember only that he was their father."[39] Oliveira Lim] wrote that he "never confused the faces or the pleas, and the applicants marveled at how well he know their lives, their families, even small incidents that had occurred in the past and which they could not believe had risen to the notice of the king."[40]

The ceremony of the beija-mão in the Brazilian court of Dom João, maintaining a custom of the Portuguese monarchs.

Throughout his stay in Brazil, John formalized the creation of a huge number of institutions and public services and boosted the economy, culture and other areas of national life. All these measures were taken principally because of the practical needs of administering a large empire in a territory previously lacking of these resources, because the predominant idea continued to be that Brazil would remain a colony, given that it was expected that the court would return to its old metropolis once the European political situation returned to normal. However, these advances became the basis for Brazil's future autonomy.[41][42] This is not to say that all was amenities and progress. A series of political crises began shortly after his arrival with the invasion of Cayenne in French Guiana in 1809, in retaliation for the French invasion of Portugal,[43] serious economic problems, and a painful trade agreement imposed in 1810 by the British, which in practice flooded the small internal market with useless trinkets and disadvantaged exports and the creation of new national industries.[44][45] The national debt multiplied by twenty and corruption was rife at large institutions, including the first Bank of Brazil, which ended up bankrupt. Also, the court was extravagant and wasteful, accumulated privileges on privileges and maintained a legion of sycophants and adventurers. British consul James Henderson observed that few European courts were as large as that of Portugal. Laurentino Gomes writes that John granted more hereditary titles in his first eight years in Brazil than had been granted in the previous three hundred years of the Portuguese monarchy, not even counting more than five thousand insignia and commendations of the honorific orders of Portugal.[46][47]

When Napoleon was defeated in 1815, the European powers held the Congress of Vienna to reorganize the political map of the continent. Portugal participated in these negotiations, but given British machinations contrary to the interests of the House of Braganza, Portugal's ambassador to the Congress, the Count of Palmela, counseled the regent to remain in Brazil, as did the powerful Prince Talleyrand, in order to strengthen the ties between metropolis and colony, including the suggestion to elevate Brazil to the condition of a kingdom united to Portugal. The representative of the United Kingdom also ended up supporting the idea, which resulted in the effective foundation of the United Kingdom of Portugal, Brazil and the Algarves on 1815-12-16, a juridical institution rapidly recognized by other nations.[42]

即位

[編集]
John VI dressed for his acclamation as king, painted by Jean-Baptiste Debret.

John's mother Queen Maria died 1816-03-20, opening the road for the regent to assume the throne. Though he began to govern as king on that date, he was not immediately consecrated as king, and was acclaimed only on 1818-02-06, with grand festivities.[11] Meanwhile, several political matters came to the fore. The ambitious Queen Consort Carlota Joaquina had begun to conspire against Portuguese interests while still in Europe, and shortly after her arrival in Brazil established understandings with both Spaniards and with nationalists of the Río de la Plata region (now Argentina and Uruguay), seeking to gain a monarchy of her own, perhaps as regent of Spain, perhaps as queen of a new monarchy created from Spanish colonies in South America, perhaps by deposing her husband. This made any meaningful marriage to John impossible, despite his show of patience, and only the force of convention had them appear together in public. While Dona Carlota gained many sympathizers, her plots uniformly failed. Despite that, she managed to influence her husband to involve himself more directly in Spanish colonial politics, leading to the taking of Montevideo in 1817 and the annexation of Cisplatina Province in 1821.[48][49]

During the same period, the problem arose of finding a wife for John's heir apparent, the future Pedro I of Brazil. Europe at the time considered Brazil distant, backward and unsafe, so it was not a simple task to find suitable candidates. After a year of seeking, the ambassador Pedro José Joaquim Vito de Meneses Coutinho, Marquis of Marialva, finally secured an alliance with one of Europe's most powerful royal houses, the Habsburgs, emperors of Austria, after seducing the Austrian court with numerous lies, a display of pomp, and the distribution of gold bars and diamonds among the nobility. Dom Pedro married archduchess Maria Leopoldina of Austria, daughter of emperor Francis I, in 1817.[50] The emperor and his minister Metternich considered the alliance "an advantageous pact between Europe and the New World," strengthening the monarchical regime in both hemispheres and granting Austria a new sphere of influence.[51]

Meanwhile, the situation in Portugal was by no means tranquil; absent its monarch, and devastated by the Peninsular War and the consequent mass hunger and enormous exodus of emigrants,[52] upon the final expulsion of the French menace the metropolis had become in practice a British protectorate, commanded by Marshall William Carr Beresford, who governed with an iron fist. From the time John ascended to the throne, the Portuguese pressed for his return, initiated liberal rebellions, and formed secret societies, with the objective of bringing into session the Portuguese Cortes, which had not met since 1698. Similar liberal agitation occurred in Brazil. In 1817 the Pernambucan Revolt broke out in Recife, a republican movement that established a provisional government in Pernambuco and spread into other Brazilian states, but which was severely put down. Back in Portugal, on 1820-08-24 the Liberal Revolution of 1820 broke out in Porto, and set up a governing junta, with repercussions in Lisbon. It met as the General Extraordinary and Constituent Cortes (Cortes Gerais Extraordinárias e Constituintes), formed a government and convened elections for deputies without bothering to consult King John. The movement gained support from the Island of Madeira, the Azores and reached the captaincy of Grão-Pará and Bahia, in Brazil, leading even to an uprising by the military garrison of Rio de Janeiro itself.[5][53]

On 1821-01-30 the Cortes met in Lisbon and decreed the formation of a Council of Regency to exercise power in the name of King John, freed many political prisoners and demanded the king's immediate return. On 20 April, King John convoked in Rio a meeting to choose deputies to the Constituent Cortes, but the following day protests in the plaza were put down violently. In Brazil the general opinion was that the king's return to Portugal could mean withdrawal from Brazil of the autonomy it had gained, returning to its prior colonial status. Under pressure, John tried to find a middle way by sending his son, the Prince Pedro, to Lisbon, to grant a constitution and establish the basis of a new government. The prince, however, already leaning toward liberal ideas, refused. The crisis had gone too far and there was no turning back. John named Pedro regent for Brazil in his name and left for Lisbon 25 April, after a stay of thirteen years in Brazil, a country he would always miss.[5][11][53]

ポルトガルへの帰国

[編集]
John disembarks in Lisbon

The ships bringing John and his court arrived in Lisbon 1821-07-03. His return was orchestrated in such a manner as not to imply that the king had been coerced, but in fact a new political environment had already been established.[5] A constitution had been drafted, and the king was required to swear loyalty to it 1822-10-01, surrendering various prerogatives. Dona Carlota refused to follow her husband in this, and thus was dispossessed of her political rights and deposed of her title as queen. Meanwhile, the king had lost out in Brazil as well. His son Pedro, opting to stay in that country, led a revolt proclaiming Brazilian independence 1822-09-07, assuming the title of emperor.[11][54] Tradition says that before journeying to Portugal, John had anticipated future events and had said to his son: "Pedro, Brazil will soon be separated from Portugal: if so, put the crown on your head before some adventurer grabs it." According to the memoirs of the Count of Palmela, Brazilian independence had come about through common accord between the king and the prince. In any event, later correspondence between the two shows the prince's concern not to disturb his father.[55] However, Portugal did not officially recognize Brazilian independence at this time.[11]

Portrait of the King D. John VI; Domingos António de Sequeira, 1821.

The liberal constitution to which the king had sworn loyalty was in effect only for a few months. Not everyone in Portugal supported liberalism, and an absolutist movement arose. On 1823-02-23, in Trás-os-Montes, o Francisco Silveira, Count of Amarante proclaimed an absolute monarchy; this did not immediately have an effect, and new agitations followed. On 27 May the infante Dom Miguel, instigated by his mother Dona Carlota, led another revolt known as the Vilafrancada, with the intent of restoring absolutism. John changed the game by supporting his son to avoid his own deposition—desired by the party of the queen—and appeared in public on his birthday alongside his son, who wore a uniform of the National Guard, a military corps that had been disbanded by the liberals, receiving the applause of the militia. The king personally went to Vila Franca to better administer the uprising, ultimately returning to Lisbon in triumph. The political climate was undecided, and even the staunchest defenders of liberalism feared to take a strong stand on its behalf. Before its dissolution, the Cortes protested against any change in the recently approved constitution, but the absolute regime was restored,[11][56] the queen's rights reestablished, and the king acclaimed for a second time 1823-06-05. John, repressed demonstrations against this restoration, deported some of the liberals and arrested others, ordered the restoration of judiciary and institutions more in line with the new political orientation and created a commission to draft a basis for a new charter to replace the constitution.[56][57]

The alliance with the infante Miguel did not bear fruit. Influenced as always by his mother, Miguel led the April Revolt or Abrilada by the Lisbon military garrison on 1824-04-29. The revolt had the pretext of crushing the Freemasons and defending the king from threats of death that the Masons has supposedly made against him, but John was taken into custody at the Bemposta Palace, several political enemies of Miguel's also being imprisoned elsewhere. The infante's intent was to force his father to abdicate. Alerted to the situation, the diplomatic corps managed to enter Bemposta Palace. Those who held the king could not resist such authorities, and restored a measure of freedom to the king. On 9 May, on the advice of friendly ambassadors, John pretended to travel to Caxias but, in fact, sought refuge with a British fleet anchored in the port. From aboard the ship Windsor Castle he sent reprimanded his son, deposed him from command of the army, and ordered him to release his political prisoners. Miguel was exiled. With the defeat of the rebellion, both liberals and absolutists came out into the streets to celebrate the survival of the legitimate government.[11][58] On 14 May, the king returned to Bemposta, reconstituting the council of ministers and showing generosity to the others who had rebelled. Still, this did not dissuade the queen from further conspiracies. The police discovered another rebellion planned for 26 October, on the basis of which John placed his wife under house arrest in the Queluz Palace.[11]

晩年

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Portrait of King D. John VI of Portugal; Albertus Jacob Frans Gregorius, 1825.

At the end of his reign King John ordered the creation of a free port in Lisbon, but the measure was not implemented. He ordered further inquiry in the investigation of the death of his former friend the Marquis of Loulé, but final judgment was never rendered. On 1824-06-05 he granted amnesty to those involved in the Porto uprising, except for nine officers who were exiled. On the same day the old constitution of the kingdom came back into force, and the Cortes reconvened to prepare a new text. The change of constitution faced several obstacles, mainly from Spain and from supporters of the queen.[59]

However, Portugal's biggest problems at this time related to the independence of Brazil, until then the country's largest source of wealth. The loss of Brazil had a great negative impact on the Portuguese economy. An expedition to reconquer the former colony was even considered, but the idea was soon abandoned. Difficult negotiations and consultations undertaken in Europe in Rio de Janeiro, with British mediation and pressure, resulted in the final recognition of the independence on 1825-08-29. At the same time, the king freed all the Brazilians who were prisoners and authorized trade between both nations. It was agreed that Pedro govern Brazil as a sovereign with the title of Emperor, John keeping for himself the honor of Titular Emperor of Brazil; from this time, he signed official documents as "His Majesty the Emperor and King John VI" (Sua Majestade o Imperador e Rei Dom João VI). Brazil was required to pay certain funds that it had borrowed from Portugal. Nothing in the treaty spoke of the succession of the two crowns, but Pedro, still acting as the Prince Royal of Portugal and Algarve, implicitly remained heir to the Portuguese throne.[11][59]

On 1826-03-04 John, returned from the Hieronymites Monastery where he had lunched, and retired to Bemposta Palace feeling poorly. He was racked for several days by symptoms including vomiting and convulsions. He appeared to be getting better, but by way of prudence designated his daughter, the infanta Isabel Maria, as regent. On the night of 9 March he took a turn for the worse, and died at approximately 5 a.m. on the 10th. The infanta immediately assumed the internal government of Portugal, and Pedro was recognized as the legitimate heir as Dom Pedro IV of Portugal. Doctors could not definitively determine a cause of death, but it was suspected that he had been poisoned. His body was embalmed and buried in the mausoleum of the kings of Portugal, the Royal Pantheon of the House of Braganza, in the Monastery of São Vicente de Fora.[60] In the 1990s a team of investigators exhumed the Chinese ceramic pot that contained his bowels. Fragments of his heart were rehydrated and submitted to an analysis that detected enough arsenic to kill two people, confirming the longstanding suspicions of assassination by poison.[61][62]

Private life

[編集]
Portrait of Dom João VI and Dona Carlota; Manuel Dias de Oliveira, 1815.

As a youth John was a retiring figure, heavily influenced by the clergy, living surrounded by priests and attending daily Mass in the church. Nonetheless, Oliveira Lima affirms that rather than being an expression of personal piety, this merely reflected Portuguese culture at that time, and that the king...

"...understood that the Church, with its body of traditions and its moral discipline, could only be useful for a good government in his manner, paternal and exclusive, of populations whose dominion was inherited with the scepter. Because of this, he was repeatedly the guest of monks and patron to composers of sacred music, but none of these Epicurean or artistic demonstrations compromised his free thought or denatured his skeptical tolerance. ... He made more use of the refectory of the monastery than of its chapel, because [the latter] was about observance and in [the former] one thought of gastronomy, and in terms of observance the pragmatic one was enough for him. In the Royal Chapel he more took pleasure with the senses than he prayed with the spirit: andantes took the place of meditations."[63]

He had a great appreciation of sacred music and was a great reader of works about art, but he detested physical activity. He appeared to have suffered periodic crises of depression.[64] An aversion to changes in his routine extended to his clothing: he wore the same coat until it tore, forcing his chamberlains to sew it on his body while he slept in it. He suffered from panic attacks when he heard thunder, staying in his rooms with the windows shut and receiving no one.[65]

John's marriage was never a happy one. Rumors circulated that at the age of 25 he fell in love with Eugênia José de Menezes, his wife's chaperone. She became pregnant, and John was suspected of being the father. The case was hushed up and the young woman was sent to Spain to bear the child. She gave birth to a daughter, whose name is unknown. The mother lived the rest of her life in nunneries and John supported her economically. Historians Tobias Monteiro and Patrick Wilcken write that there are indications that John also had a homosexual relationship as a sexual outlet, given his disastrous marriage, in which he lived apart from his wife, with whom he was together only on ceremonial occasions. His partner in this relationship would have been his favorite manservant, Francisco de Sousa Lobato, who, according to these historians, may have regularly masturbated his master. While it may have been out of sheer malice, a priest named Miguel stated that he once stumbled upon the scene and therefore was deported to Angola, but not before leaving written testimony. Regardless of the truth or falsity of the claim, Rufino de Sousa received a variety of honors, accumulating among others the charges of adviser to the king, secretary of the Casa do Infantado, secretary of the Bureau of Conscience and Orders (Mesa de Consciência e Ordens) and governor of the Santa Cruz fortress, receiving also the title of Baron and later Viscount of Vila Nova da Rainha.[64]

In the precarious and spare environment of Rio the king's personal habits were simple. In contrast to his relative isolation in Portugal, he became more personally dynamic and interested in nature. He moved frequently between the Paço de São Cristóvão and the viceregal palace in the city, staying also at times at Paquetá Island, Governador Island, at Praia Grande (the beach at Niterói), and at the House of Santa Cruz. He went hunting and happily slept in a tent or under a tree. He liked the countryside, despite the swarms of mosquitoes and other pests and the scorching heat of the tropics that were detested by the majority of the Portuguese and other foreigners.[66]

Legacy

[編集]
Allegory of the virtues of King João VI; Domingos António Sequeira, 1800.

In the course of his few years living in Brazil, John ordered the creation of a series of institutions, projects and services that brought the country immense economic, administrative, juridical, scientific, cultural, artistic and other benefits, although not all went successfully, and some were downright dysfunctional or unnecessary, as Hipólito José da Costa mordantly observed.[47] Among these, he was responsible for establishing the Imprensa Régia (the country's first publishing house), the Rio de Janeiro Botanical Garden[67] the Arsenal de Marinha, the Fábrica de Pólvora (gunpowder factory),[68] Rio's fire department, Brazil's merchant marine, and the charity hospital known as the Casa dos Expostos.[69] He also established various educational programs in Rio, Pernambuco, Bahia and other places, teaching such subjects as dogmatic and moral theology, integral calculus, mechanics, hydrodynamics, chemistry, arithmetic, geometry, French, English, botany and agriculture, among others. He instigated the foundation of various societies and academies for scientific, literary and artistic studies, such as the Junta Vacínica (administering the smallpox vaccine, the Royal Bahiense Society of Men of Letters, the Academic Institute of Sciences and Fine Arts, the Fluminense Academy of Sciences and Arts,[70] the Escola Anatômica, Cirúrgica e Médica do Rio de Janeiro,[71] the Royal Academy of Artillery, Fortification and Design,[72] the Academia dos Guardas-Marinhas, the Academia Militar,[68] the National Library of Brazil,[73] the Royal Museum (now National Museum of Brazil),[74] the Teatro Real de São João (now Teatro João Caetano), as well as recruiting internationally famous soloists and patronizing other musicians of the Royal Chapel, including Father José Maurício, the leading Brazilian composer of his time,[69] supporting also the coming of the Missão Artística Francesa, which resulted in the establishment of the Escola Real de Ciências, Artes e Ofícios, predecessor of the present-day Escola Nacional de Belas Artes of the Federal University of Rio de Janeiro, of fundamental importance the renewal of teaching and art production in Brazil.[75]

John's policies led to far-reaching economic changes, beginning with the opening of the ports and the abolition of the Portuguese commercial monopolies, with the United Kingdom being the great beneficiary. On the one hand, traders based in Brazil had to face strong foreign competition; on the other, it encouraged the creation of new manufacturing and other economic activities that were previously banned, poor or nonexistent in Brazil. At the same time, he created such high-level administrative bodies as the War Ministry, the Foreign Ministry, and the Ministry of Marine and Overseas; the Councils of State and of Finance, the Supreme Military Council, the Military Archive, the Bureaus of Justice and of Conscience and Orders, the Casa de Suplicação (Supreme Court), the Intendency General of Police, the first Bank of Brazil[67][68] the Royal Board of Commerce, Agriculture, Factories and Navigation,[76] and the General Postal Administration,[68] as well as bringing Brazilians into administrative and staff positions, which helped diminish tensions between the natives and the Portuguese.[77] He also encouraged agricultural production, especially cotton, rice and sugar cane, opened roads and encouraged the development of inland waterways, stimulating the movement of people, goods and products between regions.[78]

Controversies

[編集]
Portraits by different artists show a great variety of representations.

According to Pedreira and Costa, few Portuguese monarchs have as large a place in the popular imagination as Dom João VI. That image is very varied, "but rarely for good reason. ... It is not strange that the tribulations of his marriage and family life and the references to his personality and personal customs, inviting easy caricature and circulation of an unflattering, if not comic, tradition."[79] The king is popularly shown as indolent, silly and clumsy, subjugated by a shrewish wife, a disgusting glutton who always had baked chicken in his coat pockets to eat them at any time with greasy hands,[41][80] a version perfectly typified by the Brazilian film Carlota Joaquina – Princesa do Brasil (1995),[41] a parody mixed with sharp social criticism. That work had enormous repercussions, but, according to the critical commentary of Ronaldo Vainfas, "it is a story full of errors of all types, misrepresentations, imprecisions, inventions";[81] for historian Luiz Carlos Villalta, "it constitutes a broad attack on historical knowledge",[82] in contrast to director Carla Camurati's stated intent "to produce a cinematic narrative that would constitute a type of historical novel with pedagogic function and, at the same time, would offer the viewer knowledge of the past and would help, as a people, to think about the present. It does not offer new historical knowledge to the viewer, even if one were to treat history as a novel: it reinforces, in truth, the ideas that the viewers bring, being zero in terms of increased knowledge... In this way, it leads the viewer more to debauchery than to critical reflection on the history of Brazil".[83]

Diverse visual representations of John range from an overweight, oversized, sloppy appearance to a dignified and elegant character.[84] As for historians' portrayals, researcher Ismênia de Lima Martins writes, "If there is agreement among all authors who relied on the testimony of those who knew him closely for his kindness and affability, all the rest is controversy. While some pointed to his countenance of a statesman, others considered him a coward and completely unprepared to govern. In any event, Dom João VI left his indelible mark on Luso-Brazilian history, a fact that resonates to the present, through a historiography that insists on judging the king, despite the transformations that discipline experienced over the course of the twentieth century".[85]

Statue of John VI in Rio de Janeiro.

In governing, John always depended on strong auxiliaries. Prominent among these were Rodrigo de Sousa Coutinho, 1st Count of Linhares, António de Araújo e Azevedo, 1st Count of Barca, and Tomás Antônio de Vila Nova Portugal, who may be considered the mentors of many of John's most important undertakings,[86] but according to John Luccock, a reliable observer of the era, "The prince regent has been various times accused of apathy; to me, he seemed to have greater sensitivity and strength of character than was generally attributed to him by both friends and opponents. He was placed in new circumstances by which he was tested, bowing before them with patience; if incited, he acted with vigor and promptness".[87] He also praised the character of the king, reaffirming his kindness and attention.[88] Oliveira Lima, with his classic Dom João VI no Brasil (1908), was one of the major figures responsible for the beginning of John's large-scale rehabilitation.[80][89] He researched innumerable documents of the era without finding unfavorable descriptions of the king by Brazilians or by ambassadors and other diplomats accredited to the court. On the contrary, he found many accounts that painted him in favorable colors, such as the testimonies left by the British consul Henderson and the U.S. minister Sumter, who "greatly preferred to address himself directly to the monarch, always willing to do justice, than to confer with his minsters.... deeming him in this matter much more advanced than his courtiers".[90] Diplomatic documents also confirm the breadth of his political vision, aiming to give Brazil an importance in the Americas comparable to the United States, adopting a discourse similar the U.S. doctrine of Manifest Destiny. He asserted his authority without violence, more in a persuasive and affable manner; his conduct of international affairs, although sometimes unsuccessful and somewhat given to imperialist ambitions, in many other ways was far-seeing and harmonious,as indicated by the many actions described above that improved the living conditions of the Brazilian colony.[63][88]

Nonetheless, the French general Jean-Andoche Junot described him as "a weak man, suspicious of everyone and everything, jealous of his authority but incapable of making it respected. He is dominated by the fathers [that is, priests] and can act only under the duress of fear", and several Brazilian historians such as Pandiá Calógeras, Tobias Monteiro and Luiz Norton draw him in comparably dark colors. Among the Portuguese, such as Oliveira Martins and Raul Brandão, he was invariably portrayed as a burlesque figure until the conservative resurgence of 1926, when he began to find defenders, such as Fortunato de Almeida, Alfredo Pimenta and Valentim Alexandre.[80][91][92] It is also certain that many were disaffected with him, that he raised taxes and aggravated the debt, multiplied titles and hereditary privilege, that he could not allay the vast array of internal dissensions or eliminate entrenched administrative corruption, and that he left Brazil on the brink of bankruptcy when he emptied the treasury to return to Portugal.[41][80][93]

Whatever the king's character may have been, the importance of his reign for a remarkable spurt of development for Brazil and, indeed, for the very unity of that nation is incontestable. Gilberto Freyre affirms that "Dom John VI was one of the personalities who had the greatest influence over the formation o the nation.... he was an ideal mediator.... between tradition – which he incarnated – and innovation – which he welcomed and promoted – during that decisive period for the Brazilian future".[94] As Laurentino Gomes puts it, "no other period of Brazilian history testifies to such profound decisive and rapid changes as the thirteen years in which the Portuguese court lived in Rio de Janeiro". Scholars such as Oliveira Lima, Maria Odila da Silva Dias, Roderick Barman and the aforementioned Laurentino believe that had John not come to the Americas and installed a strong central government, probably the large territory of Brazil, with important regional differences, would have fragmented into several distinct nations, as occurred with the vast neighboring Spanish colony. This opinion was shared by the British admiral Sir Sidney Smith, commander of the squadron that escorted the Portuguese ships as the fled to Brazil.[41][95]

Recent biographies try to separate fact from legend and counter the folklore of ridicule that had formed around King John and which lacks documentary basis.[41] Lúcia Bastos warns that even today we need to be careful to place certain matters in their historical context, such as the question of corruption, noting that although there were enormous costs and clear abuses, at that time there was no clear separation between the public treasury and the monarch's private accounts, and in the logic of the Old Regime "the king is the owner of the state... of which the distribution of spoils forms part: the king is the dispenser of justice and spoils".[80] In the words of Leandro Loyola, "from the new research a ruler emerges who had his limitations, but who encountered a totally adverse situation and survived it, despite governing a small, poor, decadent country such as Portugal at the beginning of the 19th century."[41] Before dying on Saint Helena, his most powerful enemy, Napoleon, said of him: "He was the only one who deceived me."[96] The Marquess of Caravelas, praised him in the Brazilian Senate on the occasion of John's death, saying, "All of us who are here have many reasons to praise the memory of King John VI, we all ought to be grateful, for the benefits he gave us: he raised Brazil to a kingdom, provided well for all of us, treated us always with great affection, and all Brazilians are obligated to him."[97]

Marriages and descendants

[編集]
→詳細は「Descendants of John VI of Portugal」を参照

John married Carlota Joaquina of Spain (25 April 1775 – 7 December 1830) in 1785 and had several children:

Name Birth Death Notes
Maria Teresa, Princess of Beira 29 April 1793 17 January 1874 Married first her cousin Pedro Carlos de Borbón y Bragança, Infante of Spain and Portugal and second to Carlos, Infante of Spain, widower of her sister Maria Francisca.
Francisco António, Prince of Beira 21 March 1795 11 June 1801 Died at the age of 6, making his younger brother, Pedro, the heir-apparent to the throne of Portugal.
Infanta Maria Isabel 19 May 1797 26 December 1818 Married Ferdinand VII, King of Spain.
Peter IV of Portugal, I of Brazil 12 October 1798 24 September 1834 Stayed in Brazil after the Peninsular War in Portugal. Proclaimed the Independence of Brazil in 1822 and became its first monarch as Emperor Peter I. He was also King of Portugal as Peter IV in 1826.
Infanta Maria Francisca 22 April 1800 4 September 1834 Married Carlos, Infante of Spain (his first marriage).
Infanta Isabel Maria 4 July 1801 22 April 1876 Served as regent of Portugal from 1826 to 1828; died unmarried
Miguel I 26 October 1802 14 November 1866 Known by the Liberals as the Usurper, he was King of Portugal between 1828 and 1834. He was forced to abdicate after the Liberal Wars.
Infanta Maria da Assunção 25 June 1805 7 January 1834 Died unmarried
Infanta Ana de Jesus Maria, Duchess of Loulé 23 October 1806 22 June 1857 Married Nuno José Severo de Mendoça Rolim de Moura Barreto, Marquis and then Duke of Loulé and had issue.

Ancestry

[編集]
ぎぶそん/下書き2の系譜
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
16. John IV of Portugal
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
8. Peter II of Portugal
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
17. Luisa of Medina-Sidonia
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
4. John V of Portugal
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
18. Philip William, Elector Palatine
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
9. Maria Sofia of the Palatinate
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
19. Landgravine Elisabeth Amalie of Hesse-Darmstadt
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
2. Peter III of Portugal
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
20. Ferdinand III, Holy Roman Emperor
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
10. Leopold I, Holy Roman Emperor
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
21. Infanta Maria Anna of Spain
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
5. Archduchess Maria Anna of Austria
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
22. Philip William, Elector Palatine =18
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
11. Eleonor Magdalene of the Palatinate
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
23. Landgravine Elisabeth Amalie of Hesse-Darmstadt =19
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
1. João VI of Portugal
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
24. Peter II of Portugal =8
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
12. John V of Portugal =4
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
25. Maria Sofia of the Palatinate =9
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
6. Joseph I of Portugal
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
26. Leopold I, Holy Roman Emperor =10
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
13. Archduchess Maria Anna of Austria =5
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
27. Eleonor Magdalene of the Palatinate =11
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
3. Maria I of Portugal
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
28. Louis of France, Dauphin of France, le Grand Dauphin
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
14. Philip V of Spain
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
29. Duchess Maria Anna of Bavaria
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
7. Infanta Mariana Victoria of Spain
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
30. Odoardo Farnese, Duke of Parma
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
15. Elisabeth Farnese
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
31. Countess Palatine Dorothea Sophie of Neuburg
 
 
 
 
 
 

Notes

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  1. ^ "João" (ポルトガル語発音: [ʒuˈɐ̃w̃], "Zhwow[n]").
  2. ^ Pedreira, Jorge e Costa, Fernando Dores. D. João VI: um príncipe entre dois continentes. Companhia das Letras, 2008, pp. 31–35. In Portuguese.
  3. ^ Pedreira e Costa, p. 42
  4. ^ a b Pedreira e Costa, pp. 38–43
  5. ^ a b c d Cronologia Período Joanino. Fundação Biblioteca Nacional, 2010. In Portugal.
  6. ^ Pedreira e Costa, pp. 42–54
  7. ^ Pedreira e Costa, pp. 59–63
  8. ^ Strobel, Thomas. A "Guerra das Laranjas" e a "Questão de Olivença" num contexto internacional. GRIN Verlag, 2008, pp. 3–4. In Portuguese.
  9. ^ Souza, Laura de Mello e. O sol e a sombra: política e administração na América portuguesa do século XVIII. Companhia das Letras, 2006, p. 394 In Portuguese.
  10. ^ a b c Andrade, Maria Ivone de Ornellas de. "O reino sob tormenta". In: Marques, João et alii. Estudos em homenagem a João Francisco Marques, Volume I. Universidade do Porto, sd, pp. 137–144. In Portuguese.
  11. ^ a b c d e f g h i Amaral, Manuel. "João VI". In: Portugal – Dicionário Histórico, Corográfico, Heráldico, Biográfico, Bibliográfico, Numismático e Artístico, Volume III, 2000–2010, pp. 1051–1055. In Portuguese.
  12. ^ “War of the Oranges”. Encyclopædia Britannica. (2005) 
  13. ^ Vicente, António Pedro (2007) (Portuguese). Guerra Peninsular: História de Portugal Guerras e Campanhas Militares [Peninsular War: History of Portuguese Wars and Military Campaigns]. Lisbon, Portugal: Academia Portuguesa da História/Quidnovi 
  14. ^ a b Schwarcz, Lília Moritz; Azevedo, Paulo Cesar de & Costa, Angela Marques da. A longa viagem da biblioteca dos reis: do terremoto de Lisboa à independência do Brasil. Companhia das Letras, 2002, pp. 479–480. In Portuguese.
  15. ^ Aclamação de d. João. Arquivo Nacional, 2003. In Portuguese.
  16. ^ Valuguera, Alfonso B. de Mendoza Y Gómez de. "Carlismo y miguelismo". In: Gómez, Hipólito de la Torre & Vicente, António Pedro. España y Portugal. Estudios de Historia Contemporánea. Editorial Complutense, 1998, pp. 13–14. In Spanish.
  17. ^ Pedreira e Costa, pp. 174–176
  18. ^ O Embarque e a Viagem da Corte. Secretaria Municipal de Educação da Cidade do Rio de Janeiro. In Portuguese.
  19. ^ Pedreira e Costa, pp. 185–186
  20. ^ "Queria falar e não podia; queria mover-se e, convulso, não acertava a dar um passo; caminhava sobre um abismo, e apresentava-se-lhe à imaginação um futuro tenebroso e tão incerto como o oceano a que ia entregar-se. Pátria, capital, reino, vassalos, tudo ia abandonar repentinamente, com poucas esperanças de tornar a pôr-lhes os olhos, e tudo eram espinhos que lhe atravessavam o coração." Pedreira e Costa, p. 186
  21. ^ Gomes, pp. 64–70
  22. ^ Bortoloti, Marcelo. "Controvérsias na corte". In: Revista Veja, Edição 2013, 2007-06-20. In Portuguese.
  23. ^ Pedreira e Costa, pp. 186–194
  24. ^ Gomes, pp. 72–74; 82–100
  25. ^ Gomes, p. 102
  26. ^ Pedreira e Costa, pp. 201–210
  27. ^ Lobo Neto, Francisco José da Silveira. "D. João VI e a educação brasileira: alguns documentos". In: Trabalho Necessário, ano 6, nº 6, 2008, s/p. In Portuguese.
  28. ^ Pedreira e Costa, pp. 208–210
  29. ^ Pedreira e Costa, pp. 210–212
  30. ^ "Se tão grandes eram os motivos de mágoa e aflição, não menores eram as causas de consolo e de prazer: uma nova ordem de coisas ia a principiar nesta parte do hemisfério austral. O império do Brasil já se considerava projetado, e ansiosamente suspirávamos pela poderosa mão do príncipe regente nosso senhor para lançar a primeira pedra da futura grandeza, prosperidade e poder de novo império". Gomes, p. 129
  31. ^ Mota, Carlos Guilherme. Viagem incompleta: a experiência brasileira. A grande transação. Senac, 2000, pp. 453–454. In Portuguese
  32. ^ "Estabelecendo no Brasil a sede da monarquia, o regente aboliu ipso facto o regime de colônia em que o país até então vivera. Todos os caracteres de tal regime desaparecem, restando apenas a circunstância de continuar à frente de um governo estranho. São abolidas, uma atrás da outra, as velhas engrenagens da administração colonial, e substituídas por outras já de uma nação soberana. Caem as restrições econômicas e passam para um primeiro plano das cogitações políticas do governo os interesses do país." Mota, p. 455
  33. ^ Pedreira e Costa, pp. 214–216
  34. ^ Fernandes, Cláudia Alves & Fernandes Junior, Ricardo de Oliveira. "Dom João VI: arquiteto da emancipação brasileira". In: XXII Simpósio de História do Vale do Paraíba, Associação Educacional Dom Bosco, Resende, 15–17 August 2008. pp. 36–38. In Portuguese.
  35. ^ Oliveira, Anelise Martinelli Borges. "Dom João VI no Rio de Janeiro: preparando o novo cenário". In: Revista História em Reflexão: Vol. 2 n. 4 – UFGD – Dourados, July/December 2008. In Portuguese.
  36. ^ Lima, Carollina Carvalho Ramos de. "Viajantes estrangeiros na corte de Dom João". In: Anais do II Fórum de Artigos Multidisciplinares, Uni-FACEF Centro Universitário de Franca, 5–9 May 2008, no pagination. In Portuguese.
  37. ^ Gomes, pp. 136–151
  38. ^ Casa Real: Nascimento do Príncipe da Beira: Beija-mão. O Arquivo Nacional e a História Brasileira. In Portuguese.
  39. ^ "o Príncipe, acompanhado por um Secretário de Estado, um Camareiro e alguns oficiais de sua Casa, recebe todos os requerimentos que lhe são apresentados; escuta com atenção todas as queixas, todos os pedidos dos requerentes; consola uns, anima outros.... A vulgaridade das maneiras, a familiaridade da linguagem, a insistência de alguns, a prolixidade de outros, nada o enfada. Parece esquecer-se de que é senhor deles para se lembrar apenas de que é o seu pai". Carvalho, Marieta Pinheiro de. D. João VI: perfil do rei nos trópicos. Rede Virtual da Memória Brasileira. Fundação Biblioteca Nacional, 2008.
  40. ^ "nunca confundia as fisionomias nem as súplicas, e maravilhava os requerentes com o conhecimento que denotava das suas vidas, das suas famílias, até de pequenos incidentes ocorridos em tempos passados e que eles mal podiam acreditar terem subido à ciência d'el-rei." Lima, Oliveira. Vol. II. p. 859
  41. ^ a b c d e f g Loyola, Leandro. "A nova história de Dom João VI". In: Revista Época, nº 506, 2008-01-30. In Portuguese.
  42. ^ a b Bandeira, Moniz. Casa da Torre de Garcia d'Avila. Editora Record, 2000, pp. 423–425
  43. ^ Caiena: mapa do comércio. O Arquivo Nacional e a História Luso-Brasileira, 2004-11-26. In Portuguese.
  44. ^ Lima, Oliveira. D. João VI no Brasil – 1808–1821. Vol. I. Rio de Janeiro: Typ. do Jornal do Commercio, de Rodrigues, 1908. Edição online
  45. ^ Gomes, pp. 186–190
  46. ^ Gomes, pp. 169–177
  47. ^ a b Apud Lima, Oliveira. Chapter XVIII. In Portuguese.
  48. ^ Vicente, António Pedro. "Política exterior de D. João VI no Brasil". In: Estudos Avançados, vol.7 no.19 São Paulo Sept./Dec. 1993. In Portuguese.
  49. ^ Iglésias, Francisco. Trajetória política do Brasil, 1500–1964. Companhia das Letras, 1993, pp. 103–105. "Política e
  50. ^ Wilcken, Patrick. Império à deriva: a corte portuguesa no Rio de Janeiro, 1808–1821. Editora Objetiva, 2005, pp. 225–226. In Portuguese.
  51. ^ Lustosa, Isabel. D. Pedro I. Companhia das Letras, 2006, pp. 77–78. In Portuguese.
  52. ^ Gomes, p. 81
  53. ^ a b Iglésias, p. 106
  54. ^ Pedreira & Costa, p. 15
  55. ^ The quotation in Portuguese is '""Pedro, o Brasil brevemente se separará de Portugal: se assim for, põe a coroa sobre tua cabeça, antes que algum aventureiro lance mão dela." Pascual, Antonio Diodoro. Rasgos memoraveis do Senhor Dom Pedro I, imperador do Brasil, excelso duque de Bragança. Typ. Universal de Laemmert, 1862, p. 65. In Portuguese
  56. ^ a b Cardoso, António Barros. "Liberais e absolutistas no Porto (1823–1829)". In: Departamento de Ciências e Técnicas do Património / Departamento de História. Estudos em homenagem ao professor doutor José Marques. Universidade do Porto, 2006, pp. 262–269. In Portuguese.
  57. ^ Pedreira & Costa, pp. 392–400
  58. ^ Cardoso, pp. 269–271
  59. ^ a b Soriano, Simão da Luz & Baril, V. L. (Comte de la Hure). Historia de el-Rei D. João VI primeiro rei constitucional de Portugal e do Brazil: em que se referem os principaes actos e occorrencias do seu governo, bem como algumas particularidades da sua vida privada. Typ. Universal, 1866, pp. 117–123. In Portuguese.
  60. ^ Soriano & Baril, pp. 123–124
  61. ^ "Mataram o rei – Exames comprovam que João VI, rei de Portugal, morreu envenenado com arsênico". In: Revista Veja, 2000-06-07. In Portuguese.
  62. ^ "Assassinato na corte – Pesquisadores portugueses comprovam que dom João VI foi envenenado com doses altas de arsênico". In: Revista Época, 2000-06-05. In Portuguese.
  63. ^ a b '...compreendia que a Igreja, com seu corpo de tradições e sua disciplina moral, só lhe podia ser útil para o bom governo a seu modo, paternal e exclusivo, de populações cujo domínio herdara com o cetro. Por isso foi repetidamente hóspede de frades e mecenas de compositores sacros, sem que nessas manifestações epicuristas ou artísticas se comprometesse seu livre pensar ou se desnaturasse sua tolerância cética.... Aprazia-lhe o refeitório mais do que o capítulo do mosteiro, porque neste se tratava de observância e naquele se cogitava de gastronomia, e para observância lhe bastava a da pragmática. Na Capela Real mais gozava com os sentidos do que rezava com o espírito: os andantes substituíam as meditações. Lima, Oliveira. cap. XXIV 引用エラー: 無効な <ref> タグ; name "Lima"が異なる内容で複数回定義されています
  64. ^ a b Gomes, pp. 152–157
  65. ^ Gomes, pp. 157–158
  66. ^ Martins, Ismênia de Lima. "Dom João – Príncipe Regente e Rei – um soberano e muitas controvérsias". In: Revista Navigator, nº 11, p. 39. In Portuguese.
  67. ^ a b Fernandes & Fernandes Junior, p. 39
  68. ^ a b c d A Vinda de D.João e da Família Real Portuguesa para o Brasil. Empresa Brasileira de Correios e Telégrafos. In Portuguese.
  69. ^ a b Mariz, Vasco. A música no Rio de Janeiro no tempo de D. João VI. Casa da Palavra, 2008, p. 19. In Portuguese.
  70. ^ Varela, Alex Gonçalves. Juro-lhe pela honra de bom vassalo e bom português: análise das memórias científicas de José Bonifácio de Andrada e Silva (1780–1819)]. Annablume, 2006, pp. 75–77. In Portuguese.
  71. ^ Escola Anatômica, Cirúrgica e Médica do Rio de Janeiro. Dicionário Histórico-Biográfico das Ciências da Saúde no Brasil (1832–1930), Casa de Oswaldo Cruz / Fiocruz. In Portuguese.
  72. ^ Caruso, Ernesto. "Ponta do Calabouço – início do século XX: berço fardado dos doutores". In: Revista do Clube Militar, ano LXXXI, n. 430, ago-set-out 2008, pp. 14–16. In Portuguese.
  73. ^ Apresentação. Fundação Biblioteca Nacional
  74. ^ Museu Real. Dicionário Histórico-Biográfico das Ciências da Saúde no Brasil (1832–1930), Casa de Oswaldo Cruz / Fiocruz. In Portuguese.
  75. ^ Schwarcz, Lilia Moritz. O sol do Brasil: Nicolas-Antoine Taunay e as desventuras dos artistas franceses na corte de d. João. Companhia das Letras, 2008, pp. 176–188. In Portuguese.
  76. ^ Lopes, Walter de Mattos. A Real Junta do Commercio, Agricultura, Fabricas e Navegação deste Estado do Brazil e seus domínios ultramarinos: um tribunal de antigo regime na corte de Dom João (1808–1821). Dissertação de Mestrado. Universidade Federal Fluminense, 2009. In Portuguese.
  77. ^ Rocha, Antônio Penalves. "Economia e Política no Período Joanino". In: Szmrecsanyi, Tamas & Lapa, José Roberto do Amaral. História Econômica da Independência e do Império, EdUSP, 2002, pp. 42–43. In Portuguese.
  78. ^ Martins, p. 33
  79. ^ "ainda que raramente por boas razões. ... Não são estranhas as atribulações de sua vida conjugal e familiar e as referências à sua personalidade e aos seus costumes pessoais, convidando à caricatura fácil e à circulação de uma tradição pouco lisonjeira, quando não jocosa". Pedreira & Costa, o. 8.
  80. ^ a b c d e Loyola, Leandro. "Não havia Brasil antes de Dom João". Entrevista com Lúcia Bastos. In: Revista Época. Nº 506, 25/01/2008. In Portuguese.
  81. ^ "é uma história cheia de erros de todo tipo, deturpações, imprecisões, invenções"
  82. ^ "constitui um amplo ataque ao conhecimento histórico"
  83. ^ "produzir uma narrativa cinematográfica que constituísse uma espécie de romance histórico com funções pedagógicas e que, assim, oferecesse ao espectador um conhecimento do passado e o ajudasse, como povo, a pensar sobre o presente. ...não oferece conhecimento histórico novo ao espectador, nem que se considere que a mesma concebe a História como um Romance: ele reforça, na verdade, as idéias que os espectadores trazem, sendo nulo em termos de ampliação do conhecimento... Dessa forma, conduz-se o espectador mais ao deboche do que à reflexão crítica sobre a história do Brasil." Villalta, Luiz Carlos. "Carlota Joaquina, Princesa do Brazil": entre a história e a ficção, um "Romance" crítico do conhecimento histórico. Departamento de História – UFMG, s/d. pp. 1–34. In Portuguese.
  84. ^ Martins, p. 28
  85. ^ "Se existe a concordância de todos os autores, que se basearam no depoimento daqueles que o conheceram de perto, quanto à sua bondade e afabilidade, todo o resto é controvérsia. Enquanto uns apontavam sua visão de estadista, outros consideravam-no inteiramente covarde e despreparado para governar. De qualquer maneira, Dom João VI marcou de forma indelével a história luso-brasileira, fato que repercute até o presente, através de uma historiografia que insiste em julgar o rei, desprezando as transformações contínuas que a disciplina experimentou ao longo do século XX". Martins, pp. 24-25
  86. ^ Gomes, pp. 159-160
  87. ^ "o príncipe regente tem sido várias vezes acusado de apatia; a mim, pareceu-me ele possuir maior sensibilidade e energia de caráter do que em geral tanto amigos como adversários costumam atribuir-lhe. Achava-se colocado dentro de circunstâncias novas e próprias para pô-lo à prova, curvando-se ante elas com paciência; se incitado, agia com vigor e presteza." Martins, pp. 28-34. Martins was probably quoting an English-language statement in Portuguese, so here this has probably been doubly translated.
  88. ^ a b Martins, pp. 28-34
  89. ^ Melissa de Mello e. Souza, Brasil e Estados Unidos: a nação imaginada nas obras de Oliveira Lima e Jackson Turner. Masters' thesis in Social History of Culture. Rio de Janeiro: PUC-RJ, April 2003, pp. 47-57
  90. ^ "preferiam muito dirigir-se diretamente ao monarca, sempre disposto a fazer justiça, a entender-se com seus ministros.... reputando-o em tal assunto muito mais adiantado do que os seus cortesãos". Martins, pp. 28-34.
  91. ^ Gomes, pp. 153-155
  92. ^ Pedreira & Costa, pp. 21-29
  93. ^ Martins, pp. 8-34
  94. ^ "Dom João VI foi uma das personalidades que mais influíram sobre a formação nacional.... foi um mediador ideal.... entre a tradição – que encarnou – e a inovação – que acolheu e promoveu – naquele período decisivo para o futuro brasileiro." op. cit., Souza, p. 54
  95. ^ "nenhum outro período da história brasileira testemunhou mudanças tão profundas, decisivas e aceleradas quanto os treze anos em que a corte portuguesa morou no Rio de Janeiro". Gomes, pp. 288-295
  96. ^ Miguez, Sérgio. "O DNA do Brasil". In: Revista da Cultura, nº 6, January 2007
  97. ^ "Nós todos que aqui estamos temos muitas razões para nos lembrarmos da memória de Dom João VI, todos lhe devemos ser gratos, pelos benefícios que nos fez: elevou o Brasil a reino, procurou por todos o seu bem, tratou-nos sempre com muito carinho e todos os brasileiros lhe são obrigados." "D. João VI, O Clemente". In: Diários Anacrônicos, Sociedade Histórica Desterrense, 2011

Bibliography

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References

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  • パブリックドメイン この記事にはアメリカ合衆国内で著作権が消滅した次の百科事典本文を含む: Chisholm, Hugh, ed. (1911). "John VI". Encyclopædia Britannica (英語). Vol. 15 (11th ed.). Cambridge University Press. p. 444.
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13 May1767 - 10 March1826

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