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利用者:Corvus splendens/試訳中記事1

イタリア王国の旗 イタリア王国の政党
国家ファシスト党
Partito Nazionale Fascista
統領 ベニート・ムッソリーニ
書記長 ミケーレ・ビアンキ（英語版）
スローガン Credere, Obbedire, Combattere
（信じ、従い、戦う）
党歌 『ジョネヴィッツァ』（英語版）
創立 1921年11月9日
解散 1943年7月27日
前身政党 イタリア戦闘者ファッシ
イタリア・ナショナリスト協会
後継政党 共和ファシスト党
本部所在地 イタリア、ローマ市
ファルネジーナ宮（英語版）
機関誌 ポポロ・ディタリア（英語版）
学生部 ファシスト学生団（英語版）
青年部 全国バリッラ団（英語版）
リットーリオ青年団（英語版）
労働組合 国民総連盟（イタリア語版）
ドーポ・ラヴォーロ団（英語版）
私兵組織 黒シャツ隊（国防義勇軍）
党員・党友数 約600万名（1943年）
政治的思想 ファシズム
コーポラティズム
サンディカリスム
政治的立場 第三の位置
国内連携 国民ブロック (1921)
国民リスト (1924)
公式カラー 黒色、トリコローリ
党旗
イタリアの政治
イタリアの政党一覧
イタリアの選挙
ファシスト党
党旗
党旗
組織
イタリア戦闘者ファッシ
ファシスト党
黒シャツ隊
共和ファシスト党
歴史
ローマ進軍
第二次世界大戦
人物
ベニート・ムッソリーニ
マリネッティ
it:Michele Bianchi
イタロ・バルボ
関連項目
ファシズム
サンディカリスム
アナキズム
国家社会主義
ボリシェヴィキ
ジョルジュ・ソレル
ガブリエーレ・ダンヌンツィオ
ジョヴァンニ・ジェンティーレ
未来派
日独伊三国軍事同盟
ローマ式敬礼
ローマ帝国
イタリア王国
イタリア社会共和国
著作
ファシズムの教義
Portal:イタリア
Portal:古代ローマ ·

国家ファシスト党[注 1]（こっかファシストとう、イタリア語: Partito Nazionale Fascista、PNF）は、かつて存在したイタリア王国の政党。ファシズム運動を掲げ、左右の超越を志向した独裁体制を構築した。

現在のイタリア共和国議会では民主主義に対する脅威として、後継組織である共和ファシスト党と並んで再結党が禁止されている（"Transitory and Final Provisions", Disposition XII)。

概要

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PNFは第一次世界大戦で政治家ベニート・ムッソリーニらが設立した政治団体「革命行動ファッショ（英語版）」に起源を持ち[1]、民族主義による社会・国家や国民の団結（ファッシ、古代ローマのファスケスを語源とする）を説き、民族統一主義（未回収のイタリア）に基づいた参戦論を主張した。イタリア王国が大戦参加を決めるとムッソリーニらは志願兵として従軍して、塹壕戦を通じた愛国心や戦友愛の高揚を経験した。

復員後、ムッソリーニは「革命行動ファッショ」の精神を引き継いだ「イタリア戦闘者ファッシ」(FIC)を設立した。同団体を通じて独自の政治理論であるファシズム（伊語：Fascismo 日本語：結束主義）を掲げて社会主義及び民主主義・リベラリズムへの猛烈な批判を展開した。彼の異端的な思想はイタリア・ナショナリズム（英語版）、サンディカリズム（組合主義）、コーポラティズム（共同体主義）、アナーキズム（無政府主義）、リビジョニズム（修正マルクス主義）の運動家達に影響を与えた。初期段階のファシズムは広範な支持を得られず、1919年の総選挙での議会進出を果たせなかったが、ジョヴァンニ・ジョリッティ首相との協力や民兵組織「行動隊（イタリア語版）」による直接行動を駆使して段階的に影響力を高めていった。

1921年5月15日、『国民ブロック』にFICが参加して代議院に議席を得ると、同年11月9日にファシストの政治運動は国家ファシスト党（Partito Nazionale Fascista、PNF）として組織化された。

PNFのイデオロギーであるファシズムは多様な思想を習合させた独特の運動であり、推進された政治主張も多岐にわたっている。まず民族主義（イタリア・ナショナリズム）を重視し、民族統一主義による領土拡大を提唱した[2]。父祖である古代ローマへの顕彰も含め、領土主張は生存圏理論の一種である地中海世界全体での領土拡大を目指す「不可欠の領域（イタリア語版）」へ拡張され、イタリア帝国が形成された[3]。経済政策ではサンディリカリズムとコーポラティズムが影響を持ち、国家の指導下で企業体と労働組合が協調する事を目指し[4]、階級闘争を否定して階級協調を理想とした[5]。自由主義（リベラル）に対しては明確な敵対姿勢を見せたが、反動主義ではなかった[6]。また民族主義の観点から共産主義とも敵対したが[7]、ジョゼフ・ド・メーストルに代表される過激な保守主義にも反対した[8]。

1922年10月31日、ルイージ・ファクタ政権へのクーデターであるローマ進軍が成功してムッソリーニ政権が樹立され、PNFは連立与党の中心となった。1924年4月6日、旧国民ブロックをPNFに統合した上で新たな選挙連合「国民名簿」（Lista Nazionale、LN）を立ち上げ、60%以上の得票を得て議会で多数派を形成した。選挙勝利後も多党制の枠組みを維持していたが、反ファシスト運動との激しい対立（イタリア語版）を経て、1924年12月31日にムッソリーニは独裁制への移行を宣言して首席宰相及び国務大臣（イタリア語版）に就任、政府権限を大幅に強化した。これに合わせてPNFも一党制に向けて動き、党の諮問機関であるファシズム大評議会を国家の最高機関に定めた上でPNF以外の全政党へ解散命令を出し、1929年3月24日の総選挙で全議席を獲得してイタリアにおける一党独裁が確立された。

PNFは未来に向けて現代化されるイタリアが、同時に伝統に基づいた愛国心と団結を高める事によって社会的繁栄を迎えると看做していた[9]。PNFによるファシズム思想に基いた社会改革は第二次世界大戦への参戦によって水泡に帰し、ムッソリーニ幽閉後の1943年7月27日に解散を命じられた。1943年9月18日、ナチスの要請を受けてムッソリーニはPNFの後継政党として共和ファシスト党（RNF）を結党し、イタリア社会共和国（RSI）の政権与党となった。

1945年4月28日、RSI政府の崩壊とムッソリーニの死によりRNFは消滅した。大戦後に成立した現在のイタリア共和国議会では民主主義に対する脅威として、後継組織である共和ファシスト党（RNF）と並んで再結党が禁止されている（"Transitory and Final Provisions", Disposition XII)。一方でRNFの元党員らを中心にネオ･ファシズム政党イタリア社会運動（MSI）が結党され、イタリア国民運動、自由の人民、イタリアの同胞などを通じて現代でも思想は引き継がれている。

党史

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歴史的背景

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1918年、イタリア王国は第一次世界大戦においてイギリス帝国・フランス共和国と協商国陣営を形成、ドイツ帝国・オーストリア＝ハンガリー帝国からなる中央同盟国陣営に勝利した。戦勝国の一員としてトレンティーノ、南チロル（アルト・アーディジェ）、ヴェネツィア・ジュリア、イストリア半島を併合し、建国以来の宿敵であるオーストリア＝ハンガリー帝国の崩壊もあって南欧での影響力を大きく向上させた。国連の前身である国際連盟の常任理事国に選出されるなど国際的地位も高まったが、同時に大戦後の不況や戦費負担はイタリア社会に混乱を齎した。イタリア社会党とイタリア人民党という二つの反王党派政党が急速な勢力拡大を続け、サヴォイア家とイタリア自由党などの長老政治家が支配する政界に動揺を与えていた。

また戦争を通じて民族主義が高揚した事でイタリア・ナショナリズム（英語版）に基いた未回収のイタリアを求める動きも激化し、民族統一主義と呼称される拡大主義が支持を集めていた。民族主義者達はロンドン条約で当初約束されていた領土の中でスラブ系とイタリア系が混在するダルマチアの併合が認められなかった事を「骨抜きにされた勝利（イタリア語版）」（Vittoria mutilata）と呼び、英仏が主導する戦後社会に対する不公平を主張した。欧州主要国でドイツと並んで政治的統一や植民地戦争に出遅れたイタリアが「完全なる大国」となる事を、他の戦勝国が阻んでいるという不満が広がっていった[10]。

イタリア戦闘者ファッシ

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こうした中、参戦論者としてイタリア社会党を離党して大戦に従軍し、復員後は退役兵の政治団体「イタリア戦闘者ファッシ」を率いていたベニート・ムッソリーニは独自の政治理論してファシズム（伊語：Fascismo 日本語：結束主義）を掲げて社会主義及び民主主義・リベラリズムへの猛烈な批判を展開した。彼の思想はイタリア・ナショナリズム（英語版）、サンディカリズム（組合主義）、コーポラティズム（共同体主義）、アナーキズム（無政府主義）、リビジョニズム（修正マルクス主義）の運動家達に影響を与え、やがて国家ファシスト党（Partito Nazionale Fascista、PNF）として組織化された。

In 1919, at the Paris Peace Conference, the Allies compelled the Kingdom of Italy to yield to Yugoslavia the Croatian seaport of Fiume (Rijeka), a mostly Italian city of little nationalist significance, until early 1919. Moreover, elsewhere, Italy then was excluded from the wartime secret Treaty of London (1915) it had concorded with the Triple Entente;[11] wherein Italy was to leave the Triple Alliance and join the enemy, by declaring war against the German Empire and Austria-Hungary, in exchange for territories, at war's end, upon which the Kingdom of Italy held claims. (see Italia irredenta)

In September 1919, the nationalist response of outraged war hero Gabriele d'Annunzio was declaring the establishment of the Italian Regency of Carnaro.[12] To his independent Italian state, he installed himself as the Regent Duce (Leader), and promulgated the Carta del Carnaro (Charter of Carnaro, 8 September 1920 ), a politically syncretic constitutional amalgamation of right-wing and left-wing anarchist, proto-fascist, and democratic republican politics, which much influenced the politico-philosophic development of early Italian Fascism. Consequent to the Treaty of Rapallo (1920) the metropolitan Italian military deposed the Regency of Duce D’Annunzio on Christmas 1920. In the development of the fascist model of government, Gabriele d’ Annunzio was a nationalist, not a fascist, whose legacy of political–praxis (“Politics as Theatre”) was stylistic (ceremony, uniform, harangue, chanting), not substantive, which Italian Fascism artfully developed as a government model.[12][13]

政界進出

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Founded in Rome on 9 November 1921, the National Fascist Party marked the transformation of the paramilitary Fasci Italiani di Combattimento into a more coherent political group (the Fasci di Combattimento had been founded by Mussolini in Milan's Piazza San Sepolcro, on 23 March 1919).

The Fascist Party was instrumental in directing and popularizing support for Mussolini's ideology. In the early years, groups within the PNF called blackshirts built a base of power by violently attacking socialists and their institutions in the rural Po Valley, thereby gaining the support of landowners. Compared to its predecessor, the PNF abandoned republicanism to turn decisively towards the right-wing of the political spectrum.

ローマ進軍

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→詳細は「March on Rome」を参照
Mussolini with Fascist Blackshirts during the March on Rome.

On 22 October 1922 Mussolini attempted a coup d'état which was titled by the Fascist propaganda, the March on Rome, in which took part almost 30,000 fascists. The quadrumvirs leading the Fascist Party, General Emilio De Bono, Italo Balbo (one of the most famous ras), Michele Bianchi and Cesare Maria de Vecchi, organized the March while the Duce stayed behind for most of the march, though he allowed pictures to be taken of him marching along with the Fascist marchers. Generals Gustavo Fara and Sante Ceccherini assisted to the preparations of the March of 18 October. Other organizers of the march included the Marquis Dino Perrone Compagni and Ulisse Igliori.

On 24 October 1922, Mussolini declared before 60,000 people at the Fascist Congress in Naples: "Our program is simple: we want to rule Italy."[14] Meanwhile, the Blackshirts, who had occupied the Po plain, took all strategic points of the country. On 26 October, former prime minister Antonio Salandra warned current Prime Minister Luigi Facta that Mussolini was demanding his resignation and that he was preparing to march on Rome. However, Facta did not believe Salandra and thought that Mussolini would govern quietly at his side. To meet the threat posed by the bands of fascist troops now gathering outside Rome, Luigi Facta (who had resigned but continued to hold power) ordered a state of siege for Rome. Having had previous conversations with the king about the repression of fascist violence, he was sure the king would agree.[15] However, King Victor Emmanuel III refused to sign the military order.[16] On 28 October, the King handed power to Mussolini, who was supported by the military, the business class, and the right-wing.

The march itself was composed of fewer than 30,000 men, but the king in part feared a civil war since the squadristi had already taken control of the Po plain and most of the country, while Fascism was no longer seen as a threat to the establishment. Mussolini was asked to form his cabinet on 29 October 1922, while some 25,000 Blackshirts were parading in Rome. Mussolini thus legally reached power, in accordance with the Statuto Albertino, the Italian Constitution. The March on Rome was not the conquest of power which Fascism later celebrated but rather the precipitating force behind a transfer of power within the framework of the constitution. This transition was made possible by the surrender of public authorities in the face of fascist intimidation. Many business and financial leaders believed it would be possible to manipulate Mussolini, whose early speeches and policies emphasized free market and laissez faire economics.[17] This proved overly optimistic, as Mussolini's corporatist view stressed total state power over businesses as much as over individuals, via governing industry bodies ("corporations") controlled by the Fascist party, a model in which businesses retained the responsibilities of property, but few if any of the freedoms.

Even though the coup failed in giving power directly to the Fascist Party, it nonetheless resulted in a parallel agreement between Mussolini and King Victor Emmanuel III that made Mussolini the head of the Italian government. On 15 December the Grand Council of Fascism was founded; it was the supreme organ of the PNF.

ファシスト・イタリア

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After a drastic modification of electoral legislation (the Acerbo Law), the Fascist Party clearly won the highly controversial elections of April 1924. In early 1925, Mussolini dropped all pretense of democracy and set up a total dictatorship. From that point onward, the PNF was effectively the only legally permitted party in the country. This status was formalized by a law passed in 1928 and Italy remained a one-party state until the end of the Fascist regime in 1943. The new laws were strongly criticized by the leader of the Socialist Party Giacomo Matteotti during his speech in Parliament; a few days later Matteotti was kidnapped and killed by fascist blackshirts.

After taking sole power, the Fascist regime began to impose the Fascist ideology and its symbolism throughout the country. Party membership in the PNF became necessary to seek employment or gain government assistance. The fasces adorned public buildings, Fascist mottos and symbols were displayed in art, and a personality cult was created around Mussolini as the nation's saviour called "Il Duce", "The Leader". The Italian parliament was replaced in duties by the Chamber of Fasci and Corporations, solely filled with Fascist Party members. The PNF promoted Italian imperialism in Africa and staunchly promoted racial segregation and white supremacy of Italian settlers in the colonies.

In 1930 came the Youth Fasces of Combat. The 1930s were characterized by the secretary Achille Starace, "faithful" to Mussolini and one of the few fascist secretaries from southern Italy, who launched a campaign of fascism in the country made up of a wave of ceremonies and rallies and the creation of organizations which aimed to frame the country and the citizen in all its manifestations (both public and private). In order to regiment youth movements, Starace brought the Opera Nazionale Balilla (ONB) under the direct control of the PNF and the Youth Fasces that were dissolved and merged into the new Gioventù Italiana del Littorio (GIL).

On 27 May 1933, party membership was declared a basic requirement for public office; on 9 March 1937 it became mandatory if you want access to any public office and from 3 June 1938 those who did not join the party could not work. In 1939, Ettore Muti replaced Starace at the helm of the party, a fact that testifies to the increasing influence of Galeazzo Ciano, the Minister of Foreign Affairs and son-in-law of Mussolini.

On 10 June 1940, from the balcony of Palazzo Venezia, Benito Mussolini announced the entry of Italy into World War II on the side of Hitler's Germany.

共和ファシスト党

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On 25 July 1943 the Grand Council of Fascism, following a request from Dino Grandi due to the failure of the war, overthrew Mussolini by asking the king to resume his full authority in officially removing Mussolini as Prime Minister, which he did. Mussolini was imprisoned; however, the Fascists immediately collapsed and the party was officially banned by Pietro Badoglio's government on 27 July.

After the Nazi-engineered Gran Sasso raid liberated Mussolini in September, the PNF was revived as the Republican Fascist Party (Partito Fascista Repubblicano - PFR; September 13), as the single party of the Northern and Nazi-protected Italian Social Republic (the Salò Republic). Its secretary was Alessandro Pavolini. The Fascist Republican Party did not outlast Mussolini's execution and the disappearance of the Salò state in April 1945.

Ideology

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Italian Fascism was rooted in Italian nationalism and the desire to restore and expand Italian territories, which Italian Fascists deemed necessary for a nation to assert its superiority and strength and to avoid succumbing to decay.[18] Italian Fascists claimed that modern Italy is the heir to ancient Rome and its legacy, and historically supported the creation of an Italian Empire to provide spazio vitale ("living space") for colonization by Italian settlers and to establish control over the Mediterranean Sea.[19]

Italian Fascism promoted a corporatist economic system whereby employer and employee syndicates are linked together in associations to collectively represent the nation's economic producers and work alongside the state to set national economic policy.[4] This economic system intended to resolve class conflict through collaboration between the classes.[20]

Italian Fascism opposed liberalism, but rather than seeking a reactionary restoration of the pre-French Revolutionary world, which it considered to have been flawed, it had a forward-looking direction.[6] It was opposed to Marxist socialism because of its typical opposition to nationalism,[21] but was also opposed to the reactionary conservatism developed by Joseph de Maistre.[22] It believed the success of Italian nationalism required respect for tradition and a clear sense of a shared past among the Italian people, alongside a commitment to a modernized Italy.[9]

Nationalism

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Italian Fascism is based upon Italian nationalism, and in particular seeks to complete what it considers as the incomplete project of Risorgimento by incorporating Italia Irredenta ("unredeemed Italy") into the state of Italy.[23] The National Fascist Party founded in 1921, declared that the party was to serve as "a revolutionary militia placed at the service of the nation. It follows a policy based on three principles: order, discipline, hierarchy".[23]

It identifies modern Italy as the heir to the Roman Empire and Italy during the Renaissance, and promotes the cultural identity of Romanitas ("Roman-ness").[23] Italian Fascism historically sought to forge a strong Italian Empire as a "Third Rome", identifying ancient Rome as the "First Rome", and Renaissance-era Italy as the "Second Rome".[23] Italian Fascism has emulated ancient Rome, and Benito Mussolini in particular emulated ancient Roman leaders, such as Julius Caesar as a model for the Fascists' rise to power, and Augustus as a model for empire-building.[24] Italian Fascism has directly promoted imperialism, such as within the Doctrine of Fascism (1932) ghostwritten by Giovanni Gentile on behalf of Mussolini, declared:

The Fascist state is a will to power and empire. The Roman tradition is here a powerful force. According to the Doctrine of Fascism, empire is not only territorial or military or mercantile concept, but a spiritual and moral one. One can think of an empire, that is, a nation, which directly or indirectly guides other nations, without the need to conquer a single square kilometre of territory.
—Benito Mussolini, Giovanni Gentile, Doctrine of Fascism (1932).
Italian war poster.

Fascism emphasized the need for the restoration of the Mazzinian Risorgimento tradition that pursued the unification of Italy, that the Fascists claimed had been left incomplete and abandoned in the Giolittian-era Italy.[25] Fascism sought the incorporation of claimed "unredeemed" territories to Italy.

To the east of Italy, the Fascists claimed that Dalmatia was a land of Italian culture whose Italians, including those of Italianized South Slavic descent, had been driven out of Dalmatia and into exile in Italy, and supported the return of Italians of Dalmatian heritage.[26] Mussolini identified Dalmatia as having strong Italian cultural roots for centuries via the Roman Empire and the Republic of Venice.[27] The Fascists especially focused their claims based on the Venetian cultural heritage of Dalmatia, claiming that Venetian rule had been beneficial for all Dalmatians and had been accepted by the Dalmatian population.[27] The Fascists were outraged after World War I, when the agreement between Italy and the Entente Allies in the Treaty of London of 1915 to have Dalmatia join Italy, was revoked in 1919.[27] The Fascist regime supported annexation of Yugoslavia's region of Slovenia into Italy that already held a portion of the Slovene population, whereby Slovenia would become an Italian province,[28] resulting in a quarter of Slovene ethnic territory and approximately 327,000 out of total population of 1.3[29] million Slovenes being subjected to forced Italianization.[30][31] The Fascist regime supported annexation of Albania, claimed that Albanians were ethnically linked to Italians through links with the prehistoric Italiotes, Illyrian and Roman populations, and that the major influence exerted by the Roman and Venetian empires over Albania justified Italy's right to possess it.[32] The Fascist regime also justified the annexation of Albania on the basis that, because several hundred thousand people of Albanian descent had been absorbed into society in southern Italy already, the incorporation of Albania was a reasonable measure that would unite people of Albanian descent into one state.[33] The Fascist regime endorsed Albanian irredentism, directed against the predominantly Albanian-populated Kosovo and Epirus - particularly in Chameria inhabited by a substantial number of Albanians.[34] After Italy annexed Albania in 1939, the Fascist regime endorsed assimilating Albanians into Italians and colonizing Albania with Italian settlers from the Italian Peninsula to gradually transform it into an Italian land.[35] The Fascist regime claimed the Ionian Islands as Italian territory, on the basis that the islands had belonged to the Venetian Republic from the mid-14th until the 18th century.[36]

To the west of Italy, the Fascists claimed that the territories of Corsica, Nice, and Savoy held by France, were Italian lands.[37][38] During the period of Italian unification in 1860 to 1861, Prime Minister of Piedmont-Sardinia, Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour who was leading the unification effort, faced opposition from French Emperor Napoleon III who indicated that France would oppose Italian unification unless France was given Nice and Savoy that were held by Piedmont Sardinia, as France did not want a powerful state having control of all the passages of the Alps.[39] As a result, Piedmont-Sardinia was pressured to concede Nice and Savoy to France in exchange for France accepting the unification of Italy.[40] The Fascist regime produced literature on Corsica that presented evidence of the Italianità of the island.[41] The Fascist regime produced literature on Nice that justified that Nice was an Italian land based on historic, ethnic, and linguistic grounds.[41] The Fascists quoted Medieval Italian scholar Petrarch who said "The border of Italy is the Var; consequently Nice is a part of Italy".[41] The Fascists quoted Italian national hero Giuseppe Garibaldi who said: "Corsica and Nice must not belong to France; there will come the day when an Italy mindful of its true worth will reclaim its provinces now so shamefully languishing under foreign domination".[41] Mussolini initially pursued promoting annexation of Corsica through political and diplomatic means, believing that Corsica could be annexed to Italy through first encouraging the existing autonomist tendencies in Corsica and then independence of Corsica from France, that would be followed by annexation of Corsica into Italy.[42]

Residents of Fiume cheer the arrival of Gabriele d'Annunzio and his blackshirt-wearing nationalist raiders. D'Annunzio's actions in Fiume inspired the Italian Fascist movement.

To the north of Italy, the Fascist regime in the 1930s had designs on the largely Italian-populated region of Ticino and the Romansch-populated region of Graubünden in Switzerland (the Romansch are a people with a Latin-based language).[43] In November 1938, Mussolini declared to the Grand Fascist Council: "We shall bring our border to the Gotthard Pass".[44] The Fascist regime accused the Swiss government of oppressing the Romansch people in Graubünden.[43] Mussolini argued that Romansch was an Italian dialect and thus Graubünden should be incorporated into Italy.[45] Ticino was also claimed because the region had belonged to the Duchy of Milan from the mid-fourteenth century until 1515.[46] Claim was also raised on the basis that areas now part of Graubünden in the Mesolcina valley and Hinterrhein were held by the Milanese Trivulzio family, who ruled from the Mesocco Castle in the late 15th century.[47] Also, during the summer of 1940, Galeazzo Ciano met with Hitler and Ribbentrop, and proposed to them the dissection of Switzerland along the central chain of the Western Alps, which would have left Italy also with the canton of Valais in addition to the claims raised earlier.[48]

To the south, the regime claimed the archipelago of Malta, which had been held by the British since 1800.[49] Mussolini claimed that the Maltese language was a dialect of Italian, and theories about Malta being the cradle of the Latin civilization were promoted.[49][50] Italian had been widely used in Malta in the literary, scientific and legal fields, and it was one of Malta's official languages until 1937, when its status was abolished by the British as a response to Italy's invasion of Ethiopia.[51] Italian irredentists had claimed that territories on the coast of North Africa were Italy's Fourth Shore and used the historical Roman rule in North Africa as a precedent to justify the incorporation of such territories to Italian jurisdiction as being a "return" of Italy to North Africa.[52] In January 1939, Italy annexed territories in Libya that it considered within Italy's Fourth Shore, with Libya's four coastal provinces of Tripoli, Misurata, Benghazi, and Derna becoming an integral part of metropolitan Italy.[53] At the same time indigenous Libyans were given the ability to apply for "Special Italian Citizenship" which required such people to be literate in the Italian language and confined this type of citizenship to be valid in Libya only.[53] Tunisia that had been taken by France as a protectorate in 1881, had the highest concentration of Italians in North Africa, and its seizure by France had been viewed as an injury to national honour in Italy at what they perceived as a "loss" of Tunisia from Italian plans to incorporate it.[54] Upon entering World War II, Italy declared its intention to seize Tunisia as well as the province of Constantine of Algeria from France.[55]

To the south, the Fascist regime held interest in expanding Italy's African colonial possessions. In the 1920s, Italy regarded Portugal as a weak country that was unbecoming of a colonial power due to its weak hold on its colonies and mismanagement of them, and, as such, Italy desired to annex Portugal's colonies.[56] Italy's relations with Portugal were influenced by the rise to power of the authoritarian conservative nationalist regime of Salazar, which borrowed fascist methods; though Salazar upheld Portugal's traditional alliance with Britain.[56]

Totalitarianism

[編集]
ファイル:Benito Mussolini Roman Salute.jpg
From 1925, Mussolini styled himself Il Duce (the leader).

In 1925, the PNF declared that Italy's Fascist state was to be totalitarian.[23] The term "totalitarian" had initially been used as a pejorative accusation by Italy's liberal opposition, that denounced the Fascist movement for seeking to create a total dictatorship.[23] However the Fascists responded by accepting that they were totalitarian, but presented totalitarianism from a positive viewpoint.[23] Mussolini described totalitarianism as seeking to forge an authoritarian national state that would be capable of completing Risorgimento of the Italia Irredenta, forge a powerful modern Italy, and create a new kind of citizen – politically active Fascist Italians.[23]

The Doctrine of Fascism (1932) described the nature of Italian Fascism's totalitarianism, stating the following:

Fascism is for the only liberty which can be a serious thing, the liberty of the state and of the individual in the state. Therefore for the fascist, everything is in the state, and no human or spiritual thing exists, or has any sort of value, outside the state. In this sense fascism is totalitarian, and the fascist state which is the synthesis and unity of every value, interprets, develops and strengthens the entire life of the people.
—Benito Mussolini, Giovanni Gentile, Doctrine of Fascism (1932)

American journalist H. R. Knickerbocker wrote in 1941 "Mussolini's Fascist state is the least terroristic of the three totalitarian states. The terror is so mild in comparison with the Soviet or Nazi varieties, that it almost fails to qualify as terroristic at all." As example he described an Italian journalist friend who refused to become a Fascist. He was fired from his newspaper and put under 24-hour surveillance, but otherwise not harassed; his employment contract was settled for a lump sum and he was allowed to work for the foreign press. Knickerbocker contrasted his treatment with the inevitable torture and execution under Stalin or Hitler, and stated "you have a fair idea of the comparative mildness of the Italian kind of totalitarianism."[57]

However, since World War II, historians have noted that in Italy's colonies, Italian Fascism displayed extreme levels of violence, such as the fact the deaths of one-tenth of the population of the Italian colony of Libya during the Fascist era, including from the use of gassings, concentration camps, starvation, and disease; and in Ethiopia during the Second Italo-Ethiopian War and afterwards, by 1938 a quarter of a million Ethiopians had died.[58]

Corporatist economics

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Italian Fascism promotes a corporatist economic system. The economy involves employer and employee syndicates being linked together in corporative associations to collectively represent the nation's economic producers and work alongside the state to set national economic policy.[4] Mussolini declared such economics as a "Third Alternative" to capitalism and Marxism that Italian Fascism regarded as "obsolete doctrines".[59] It supports criminalization of strikes by employees and lockouts by employers as illegal acts it deems these acts as prejudicial to the national community as a whole.[60]

Age and gender roles

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The Italian Fascists' political anthem was called Giovinezza ("The Youth").[61] Fascism identifies the physical age period of youth as a critical time for the moral development of people that will affect society.[62]

Italian Fascism pursued what it called "moral hygiene" of youth, particularly regarding sexuality.[63] Fascist Italy promoted what it considered normal sexual behaviour in youth while denouncing what it considered abnormal sexual behaviour.[63] It deemed pornography, homosexuality, and prostitution as deviant sexual conduct.[63] The Fascist State also criminalized the dispersion of birth control, as well as abortion, and created laws that taxed bachelors.[64] Fascist Italy regarded the promotion of male sexual excitation before puberty as the cause of criminality amongst male youth.[63] Fascist Italy reflected the belief of most Italians that homosexuality was wrong, and even went as far as to create punitive laws against homosexuals.[64] Instead of the traditional Catholic teaching that it was a sin, however, a new approach was taken based on then-modern psychoanalysis that it was a social disease.[63] Fascist Italy pursued an aggressive campaign to reduce prostitution of young women.[63]

Mussolini perceived women's primary role to be childbearers, while men were warriors, once saying, "war is to man what maternity is to the woman".[65] In an effort to increase birthrates, the Italian Fascist government gave financial incentives to women who raised large families, and initiated policies designed to reduce the number of women employed.[66] Italian Fascism called for women to be honoured as "reproducers of the nation", and the Italian Fascist government held ritual ceremonies to honour women's role within the Italian nation.[67] In 1934, Mussolini declared that employment of women was a "major aspect of the thorny problem of unemployment" and that for women, working was "incompatible with childbearing". Mussolini went on to say that the solution to unemployment for men was the "exodus of women from the work force".[68]

Tradition

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Italian Fascism believed that the success of Italian nationalism required a clear sense of a shared past amongst the Italian people, along with a commitment to a modernized Italy. Mussolini in a famous speech in 1926, called for Fascist art that was "traditionalist and at the same time modern, that looks to the past and at the same time to the future".

Fascist rally near the Coliseum in Rome.

Traditional symbols of Roman civilization were utilized by the Fascists, particularly the fasces that symbolized unity, authority, and the exercise of power.[69] Other traditional symbols of ancient Rome used by the Fascists included the she-wolf of Rome.[69] The fasces and the she-wolf symbolized the shared Roman heritage of all the regions that constituted the Italian nation.[69] In 1926, the fasces was adopted by the Fascist government of Italy as a symbol of the state.[70] In that year the Fascist government attempted to have the Italian national flag redesigned to incorporate the fasces on it.[70] However, this attempt to incorporate the fasces on the flag was stopped by strong opposition to the proposal by Italian monarchists.[70] Afterwards the Fascist government in public ceremonies rose the national tricolour flag along with a Fascist black flag.[71] However years later, after Mussolini was forced from power by the King in 1943 and later rescued by German forces, the Italian Social Republic founded by Mussolini and the Fascists, did incorporate the fasces on the state's war flag, which was a variant of the Italian tricolour national flag.

The issue of the rule of monarchy or republic in Italy was an issue that changed several times through the development of Italian Fascism. Initially Italian Fascism was republican and denounced the Savoy monarchy.[72] However Mussolini tactically abandoned republicanism in 1922 and recognized that the acceptance of the monarchy was a necessary compromise to gain the support of the establishment to challenge the liberal constitutional order that also supported the monarchy.[72] King Victor Emmanuel III had become a popular ruler in the aftermath of Italy's gains after World War I and the army held close loyalty to the King, thus any idea of overthrowing the monarchy was discarded as foolhardy by the Fascists at this point.[72] Importantly, Fascism's recognition of monarchy provided Fascism with a sense of historical continuity and legitimacy.[72] The Fascists publicly identified King Victor Emmanuel II - the first King of a reunited Italy who had initiated the Risorgimento - along with other historic Italian figures such as Gaius Marius, Julius Caesar, Giuseppe Mazzini, Camillo Benso, Count of Cavour, Giuseppe Garibaldi, and others, for being within a tradition of dictatorship in Italy, that the Fascists declared that they emulated.[73] However this compromise with the monarchy did not yield a cordial relationship between the King and Mussolini.[72] Although Mussolini had formally accepted the monarchy, he pursued and largely achieved reducing the power of the King to that of a figurehead.[74] Initially the King held complete nominal legal authority over the military through the Statuto Albertino, but this was ended during the Fascist regime when Mussolini created the position of First Marshal of the Empire in 1938, a two-person position of control over the military held by both the King and the head of government, that had the effect of eliminating the King's previously exclusive legal authority over the military by giving Mussolini equal legal authority to the King over the military.[75] In the 1930s, Mussolini became aggravated by the monarchy's continued existence, due to envy of the fact that his counterpart in Germany, Adolf Hitler was both head of state and head of government of a republic; and Mussolini in private denounced the monarchy and indicated that he had plans to dismantle the monarchy and create a republic with himself as head of state of Italy upon an Italian success in the then-anticipated major war about to erupt in Europe.[72]

ファイル:Hitlermusso2 edit.jpg
Mussolini with Adolf Hitler.

After being removed from office and placed under arrest by the King in 1943, and the Kingdom of Italy's new non-fascist government switching sides from the Axis to the Allies, Italian Fascism returned to republicanism and condemnation of the monarchy.[76] On 18 September 1943, Mussolini made his first public address to the Italian people since his rescue from arrest by allied German forces, in which he commended the loyalty of Hitler as an ally while condemning King Victor Emmanuel III of the Kingdom of Italy for betraying Italian Fascism.[76] Mussolini on the topic of the monarchy removing him from power and dismantling the Fascist regime, stated "It is not the regime that has betrayed the monarchy, it is the monarchy that has betrayed the regime" and that "When a monarchy fails in its duties, it loses every reason for being...The state we want to establish will be national and social in the highest sense of the word; that is, it will be Fascist, thus returning to our origins."[76] The Fascists at this point did not denounce the House of Savoy in the entirety of its history, and credited Victor Emmanuel II for his rejection of "scornfully dishonourable pacts" and denounced Victor Emmanuel III for betraying Victor Emmanuel II by entering a dishonourable pact with the Allies.[77]

The relationship between Italian Fascism and the Catholic Church was mixed. Originally it was highly anti-clerical and hostile to Catholicism, however from the mid to late 1920s, anti-clericalism lost ground in the movement, as Mussolini in power sought to seek accord with the Church as the Church held major influence in Italian society with most Italians being Catholic.[78] In 1929, the Italian government signed the Lateran Treaty with the Holy See, a concordat between Italy and the Catholic Church that allowed for the creation of a small enclave known as Vatican City as a sovereign state representing the papacy. This ended years of perceived alienation between the Church and the Italian government after Italy annexed the Papal States in 1870. Italian Fascism justified its adoption of antisemitic laws in 1938 by claiming that Italy was fulfilling the Christian religious mandate of the Catholic Church that had been initiated by Pope Innocent III in the Fourth Lateran Council of 1215, whereby the Pope issued strict regulation of the life of Jews in Christian lands which reduced their status to essentially perpetual slaves, Jews were prohibited from holding any public office that would give them power over Christians, and Jews were required to wear distinctive clothing to distinguish them from Christians.[79]

Influence outside Italy

[編集]

The National Fascist Party model was very influential beyond Italy. In the twenty-one-year interbellum period, many political scientists and philosophers sought ideological inspiration from Italy. Mussolini's establishment of law and order to Italy and its society was praised by Winston Churchill,[80] Sigmund Freud,[81] George Bernard Shaw,[82] and Thomas Edison,[83] as the Fascist Government combated organised crime and the Mafia with violence and vendetta (honour).[84]

Italian Fascism was copied by Adolf Hitler's Nazi Party, the Russian Fascist Organization, the Romanian National Fascist Movement (the National Romanian Fascia, National Italo-Romanian Cultural and Economic Movement), the Dutch fascists based upon the Verbond van Actualisten journal of H. A. Sinclair de Rochemont and Alfred Haighton. The Sammarinese Fascist Party established an early Fascist government in San Marino, their politico-philosophic basis essentially was Italian Fascism. In Switzerland, a pro-Nazi Colonel Arthur Fonjallaz of the National Front, became an ardent Mussolini admirer after visiting Italy in 1932. He advocated the Italian annexation of Switzerland, whilst receiving Fascist foreign aid.[85] The country was host for two Italian politico-cultural activities: the International Centre for Fascist Studies (CINEF — Centre International d’ Études Fascistes), and the 1934 congress of the Action Committee for the Universality of Rome (CAUR — Comitato d’ Azione della Università de Roma).[86] In Spain, the writer Ernesto Giménez Caballero, in Genio de España (The Genius of Spain, 1932) called for the Italian annexation of Spain, led by Mussolini presiding an international Latin Roman Catholic empire. He then progressed to be closely associated with Falangism, leading to discarding the Spanish annexation to Italy.[87]

An Indian right wing political organization RSS influenced by Italian fascist party.

Legacy

[編集]

Although the National Fascist Party was outlawed by the postwar Constitution of Italy, a number of successor neo-fascist parties emerged to carry on its legacy. Historically, the largest neo-fascist party was the Italian Social Movement (Movimento Sociale Italiano), whose best result was 8.7% of votes gained in the 1972 general election. The MSI was disbanded in 1995 and was replaced by National Alliance, a conservative party that distanced itself from Fascism (its founder, former foreign minister Gianfranco Fini, declared during an official visit to Israel that Fascism was "an absolute evil"[88] ). National Alliance and a number of neo-fascist parties were merged in 2009 to create the short-lived People of Freedom party led by then Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi, which eventually disbanded after the defeat in the 2013 general election. By now many former members of MSI and AN joined Brothers of Italy party, led by Giorgia Meloni.

役職

[編集]

指導者

[編集]
→詳細は「ドゥーチェ」および「総統 § イタリア」を参照
氏名
(生没年) 		肖像 任期 兼務 背景 退任理由 出生地
ベニート・ムッソリーニ
(1883–1945) 		1921年11月9日 – 1943年7月27日 党の創設者としてファシズム運動の精神的指導者に位置付けられる。 反枢軸国勢力のクーデターによって幽閉。後に救出され、イタリア社会共和国及び共和ファシスト党指導者となる。 プレダッピオ
(エミリア＝ロマーニャ州)

書記長

[編集]
氏名
(生没年) 		肖像 任期 その他の役職（前職及び退任後の役職含む） 背景 退任理由 出生地
ミケーレ・ビアンキ
(1883–1930) 		1921年11月10日 - 1923年10月13日 前職は政治家。退役軍人。ローマ大学で法学を専攻後、サンディカリズムの理論家として活躍。ムッソリーニと行動を共にし、初代書記長に任命される。 フランチェスコ・ジュンタが第2代書記長に指名。 ベルモンテ・カーラブロ
(カラブリア州)
フランチェスコ・ジュンタ
(1887–1971) 		1923年10月13日 - 1924年4月23日
  • ダルマチア州知事
  • 下院議員
 前職は弁護士。退役軍人。トスカーナ州のファシズム運動を通じて台頭した。第2代書記長となるが政治情勢の変化から早期に退任する。 党規約改正により集団指導体制に移行。 サン・ピエーロ・ア・シエーヴェ
(トスカーナ州)
四頭体制
(ロベルト・ダヴァンツァティ、ジョヴァンニ・マリネッリ、チェーザレ・ロッシ、アレッサンドロ・メルチオリ)　 		1923年10月13日 - 1924年4月23日
  • 元老院議員（ダヴァンツァティ）
  • 下院議員（マリネッリ、メルチオリ）
  • 党機関紙編集者（チェーザレ）
 総選挙勝利後、党組織の再編に伴い一時的に書記長制から4名の合議制とした。 ロベルト・ファリナッチが第3代書記長に指名。
ロベルト・ファリナッチ
(1892–1945) 		1925年2月15日 - 1926年3月30日
  • 下院議員
 前職は鉄道局員。退役軍人。ファシズム運動の急進派（非妥協派）の代表的人物であり、反ユダヤ主義など排外的な政策を推進した。 ファシズム運動の穏健派（修正主義）を重用するムッソリーニと対立し、解任される。 イゼルニア
(モリーゼ州)
アウグスト・トゥラーティ
(1888–1955) 		1926年3月30日 - 1930年10月7日 前職は新聞記者。退役軍人。党内では報道・宣伝分野で活躍した。4年間に亘って書記長を務め、非妥協派を抑えて党の集権化を達成した。 ファリナッチら非妥協派との政争を経て、自ら書記長職を退任した。 パルマ
(エミリア＝ロマーニャ州)
ジョヴァンニ・ジュリアーティ
(1876-1970) 		1930年10月7日 - 1931年12月12日 前職は弁護士。退役軍人。歴代書記長では最年長で、かつてはダンヌンツィオ派の運動に参加していた。トゥラーティ辞任後の書記長となる。 アキーレ・スタラーチェが第7代書記長に指名。 ヴェネツィア
(ヴェネト州)
アキーレ・スタラーチェ
(1889-1945) 		1931年12月12日 - 1939年10月31日
  • 下院議員
  • 国防義勇軍参謀長
  • イタリア五輪委員長
 前職は陸軍士官。古参のファシストの中で最もムッソリーニに盲目的であり、国家指導者として神格化するプロパガンダを展開した。 過去最長の任期を務めていたが、第二次世界大戦前に突然解任される。以降は終戦直前まで国政から遠ざけられた。 サンニコーラ
(プッリャ州)
エットーレ・ムーティ
(1902-1943) 		1939年10月31日 - 1940年10月30日
  • 航空団指揮官
 前職は陸軍士官。第一次世界大戦時に少年兵としてアルディーティ（突撃兵）に参加したという逸話を持つ。スペイン内戦でも爆撃機部隊の指揮官を務めるなどしている。 第二次世界大戦で軍務への復帰を希望し、書記長職から退任。 ラヴェンナ
(エミリア＝ロマーニャ州)
アデルギ・セレーナ
(1895-1970) 		1940年10月30日 - 1941年12月26日
  • 公共事業大臣
  • 下院議長
 前職は弁護士。退役軍人。アブルッツォでのファシズム運動を指導し、やがて国政に転じて大臣や下院議長を務めた。エットーレ辞任後の書記長となる。 アルド・ヴィドゥソーニが第10代書記長に指名。 ラクイラ
(アブルッツォ州)
アルド・ヴィドゥソーニ
(1914-1982) 		1941年12月26日 - 1943年4月19日
  • 党青年団指導者
 前職は弁護士。第一次世界大戦を経験していない青年党員から、27歳の若さで書記長に抜擢された。 カルロ・スコルツァが第11代書記長に指名。 フォリアーノ・レディプーリア
(フリウリ＝ヴェネツィア・ジュリア州)
カルロ・スコルツァ
(1897-1988) 		1943年4月19日 - 1943年7月27日
  • 下院議員
 前職は陸軍士官。国家ファシスト党最後の書記長。ムッソリーニを中心とした国家指導体制への回帰を主張した。 ディーノ・グランディらの党内クーデターに反対し、王党派によって拘束される。 パオラ
(カラブリア州)

Election results

[編集]

Italian Parliament

[編集]
Chamber of Deputies
Election year #of
overall votes 		% of
overall vote 		#of
overall seats won 		+/– Leader
1924 4,653,488 (#1) 64.9
375 / 535
–
 Benito Mussolini
1929 8,517,838 (#1) 98.4
400 / 400
 増加 25 Benito Mussolini
1934 10,043,875 (#1) 99.8
400 / 400
–
 Benito Mussolini

Party symbols

[編集]
  • Party emblem of the National Fascist Party.
    Party emblem of the National Fascist Party.
  • Eagle clutching a fasces, a common symbol of Italian Fascism, regularly used on uniforms and caps.
    Eagle clutching a fasces, a common symbol of Italian Fascism, regularly used on uniforms and caps.
  • Flag of the National Fascist Party.
    Flag of the National Fascist Party.

Slogans

[編集]
  • Il Duce! (The Leader!)
  • Viva il Duce! (Long live the Leader!)[89]
  • Eja, eja, alalà! (Equivalent to Hip, hip, hooray! in English)
  • Viva la morte (Long live death [sacrifice])
  • Credere, obbedire, combattere ("Believe, obey, fight")
  • Vincere e vinceremo! ("Win and we will win!")
  • Libro e moschetto - fascista perfetto (Book and rifle - perfect Fascist)
  • Tutto nello Stato, niente al di fuori dello Stato, nulla contro lo Stato (Everything in the State, nothing outside the State, nothing against the State)
  • Se avanzo, seguitemi. Se indietreggio, uccidetemi. Se muoio, vendicatemi (If I advance, follow me. If I retreat, kill me. If I die, avenge me)
  • Me ne frego (I don't give a damn)
  • La libertà non è diritto è un dovere (Liberty is not a right it is a duty)
  • Noi tireremo diritto (literally We will go straight or We shall go forward)
  • La guerra è per l'uomo, come la maternità è per la donna (War is to man, as motherhood is to woman)[90]

See also

[編集]

References

[編集]
  1. ^ Benito Mussolini (2006), My Autobiography with The Political and Social Doctrine of Fascism, Mineloa: NY: Dover Publication Inc., p. 227. Note that some authors refer to Mussolini's first political party as "The Revolutionary Fascist Party". 
  2. ^ Aristotle A. Kallis, Fascist ideology: territory and expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922–1945. London, England, UK; New York City, USA: Routledge, 2000. Pp. 41.
  3. ^ Aristotle A. Kallis. Fascist ideology: territory and expansionism in Italy and Germany, 1922–1945. London, England, UK; New York City, USA: Routledge, 2000. Pp. 50.
  4. ^ a b c Andrew Vincent. Modern Political Ideologies. Third edition. Malden, Massaschussetts, USA; Oxford, England, UK; West Sussex, England, UK: Blackwell Publishers Ltd., 2010. Pp. 160.
  5. ^ John Whittam. Fascist Italy. Manchester, England, UK; New York City, USA: Manchester University Press, 1995. Pp. 160.
  6. ^ a b Eugen Weber. The Western Tradition: From the Renaissance to the present. Heath, 1972. Pp. 791.
  7. ^ Stanislao G. Pugliese. Fascism, anti-fascism, and the resistance in Italy: 1919 to the present. Oxford, England, UK: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc., 2004. pp. 43–44.
  8. ^ Stanley G.Payne. A History of Fascism, 1914–45. Madison, Wisconsin, USA: University of Wisconsin Press, 1995. Pp. 214.
  9. ^ a b Claudia Lazzaro, Roger J. Crum. "Forging a Visible Fascist Nation: Strategies for Fusing the Past and Present" by Claudia Lazzaro, Donatello Among The Blackshirts: History And Modernity In The Visual Culture Of Fascist Italy. Ithaca, New York, USA: Cornell University Press, 2005. Pp. 13.
  10. ^ “Mussolini and Fascism in Italy”. FSmitha.com. (8 January 2008). http://www.fsmitha.com/h2/ch12.htm 
  11. ^ The Fascist Experience by Edward R. Tannenbaum, p. 22
  12. ^ a b Macdonald, Hamish (1999). Mussolini and Italian Fascism. Nelson Thornes. ISBN 0-7487-3386-8. https://books.google.com/?id=221W9vKkWrcC&pg=PT16&dq=Gabriele+d%27Annunzio+paris+peace 
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