利用者:Appassionata3/ポルトガル

ポルトガルの歴史 (1834年-1910年)

ポルトガル・アルガルヴェ王国

Reino de Portugal e dos Algarves  (ポルトガル語)

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1834年 - 1910年

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（国旗）	（国章）

国歌: Hino da Carta（ポルトガル語）

20世紀のポルトガル帝国

公用語	ポルトガル語
宗教	ローマ・カトリック
首都	リスボン
君主 1834年 - 1853年 マリア2世とフェルナンド2世 1908年 - 1910年 マヌエル2世 首相 1834年 - 1835年 ペドロ・デ・ソウザ・ホルステイン 1910年 - 1910年 António Teixeira 変遷 ポルトガル内戦 1834年7月26日 国王暗殺 1908年2月1日 1910年10月5日革命 1910年10月5日
通貨	Portuguese real

ポルトガルの歴史
この記事はシリーズの一部です。
先史時代
古代 ローマ以前の民族   ローマによる征服 前206年 - 前27年 ローマ化   ルシタニア 前27年 - 409年/410年 ガラエキア   スエビ王国 409年 - 585年 西ゴート王国 418年 - 721年 スパニア 552年 - 624年
中世 ウマイヤ朝による征服 711年 - 718年 アル＝アンダルス 711年 - 1492年 ムラービト朝   ポルトゥカーレ伯領 868年 - 1139年 レコンキスタ - 13世紀 中世のポルトガル 1139年 - 1415年 ブルゴーニュ王朝 1093年 - 1383年 空位時代 1383年 - 1385年
近世 アヴィス王朝 1385年 - 1580年 ルネサンス 15世紀 - 16世紀 ポルトガル海上帝国 1415年 - 1999年 ポルトガル継承戦争 1580年 - 1583年 イベリア連合 1580年 - 1640年 王政復古とポンバル時代 1640年 - 1777年 ポルトガル王政復古戦争 1640年 - 1668年 ブラガンサ家 1442年 - 1910年 帝国の衰退 1777年 - 1834年
近現代 宮廷移動 1808年 - 1821年 ポルトガル内戦 1828年 - 1834年 ポルトガル・アルガルヴェ王国 1834年 - 1910年 1910年10月5日革命 1910年 第一共和政 1910年 - 1926年 第一次世界大戦 1914年 - 1918年 北部王国 1919年 1926年5月28日クーデター 1926年 ディタドゥーラ・ナシオナル 1926年 - 1933年 第二共和政（エスタド・ノヴォ） 1933年 - 1974年 第二次世界大戦 1939年 - 1945年 ポルトガルの植民地戦争 1961年 - 1974年 カーネーション革命 1974年 PREC 1975年 民政移管 1976年 第三共和政 1974年 - 現在
テーマ別 ポルトガルによるアメリカ大陸の植民地化 マカオ返還
ポルトガル ポータル

ポルトガルの歴史 (1834年-1910年)では、1834年のポルトガル内戦の終結から1910年の共和制革命まで、ポルトガル王国が立憲君主制をとっていた時代について述べる。内戦に勝利した将軍たちによるクーデターという最初の混乱に続き、ポルトガル共和党の成長によって、不安定な政権交代が行われた。これは、イギリスがポルトガル領西アフリカとポルトガル領東アフリカ（現在のアンゴラとモザンビーク）を統合する「バラ色地図」計画の断念するよう最後通告をしたことで、君主が国政に対して関心が無いことが明らかになったことだけでなく、君主政に効力がなかったことが主な原因であった。

この状況の結果、カルロス1世がジョアン・フランコという名で独裁政治を行い、1908年にリスボンで国王が暗殺され、1910年には革命が起こった。

Devourism

The imperfect Constitution of 1826, that begin a conflict within liberal revolutionaries; former-King and Regent (with Consort: left) introducing the 1826 Charter to Princess Maria da Gloria

The post-Civil War period of the constitutional monarchy saw the rise of competing manifestations of liberal ideology and their adherents. Gastão Pereira de Sande, Count of Taipa, then one of the oppositionists (commonly referred to as "radicals"), described the government as a "gang made up to devour the country under the shadow of a child" (a figure of speech wherein the "child" represented the young Queen, Maria II of Portugal). This was one of the earliest references to Devorismo (Devourism), i.e., the corrupt practice of using the public treasury to enrich oneself or to benefit another.

The post-Civil War period was characterized by a precarious executive office, a lack of ideological definition, the marginalization of popular movements, indiscipline and the intervention of military chiefs in politics. The death of the Regent, formerly King Pedro, after successfully installing his daughter as Queen, thrust the inexperienced Maria da Glória into a role that, at the age of 15 years, she was unprepared to handle.

Her counselors, aristocrats and nobles, still used the royal authority as a counterweight to the liberal revolution. There were two political currents: the moderates who defended the Constitutional Charter of 1828, and those who promoted reinstatement of the democratic Constitution of 1822. Both parties were disorganized, neither felt solidarity with the monarch, and their ideologies were not clearly defined; politicians regularly swung between Vintista and Constitucionalista politics. Meanwhile, the majority of the population were disenfranchised: illiterate and culturally unrefined, they merely supported whichever wind blew in their favor. Education was available only in the cities, whose local merchants and bureaucratic functionaries had some sense of social mobility.

経済

Economically, Portugal was no better off in the post-war era, it continued to derive its (diminishing) wealth from cultivation of the land, taxes and land rents, while neglecting development of a financial structure to make available the capital necessary for entrepreneurs to acquire machinery and sustain industry; consequently, the economy stagnated. As late as 1910, only 1/5 of the workers in industries classified as "manufacturing" were employed in factories with more than 10 workers. The environment of small shops and handicraft operations was not conducive to labour unions.

Politicians sponsored many small newspapers, which provided an outlet for numerous writers to debate economic questions and promote their particular reforms. Known as the "Generation of the 70s" the writers focused on political economy, and how the traditional economy could be stimulated to progress and growth. Important writers included Antero de Quental, who wrote abstract philosophical essays; Joaquim P. Oliveira Martins (1845–94), who focused on financial topics; José Maria Eça de Queiroz (1845-1900), who employed realism and irony in his fiction to make points in political economy; and Rafael Bordalo Pinheiro with his biting caricatures of pompous politicians. Writers often considered the dilemmas caused by economic growth and material progress in France and Britain. Socialism appealed only to Quental, who was a founder of the Partido Socialista Português (Portuguese Socialist Party). They did concern themselves with the political consequences of rich powerbrokers, the threat of depopulation in rural areas, the worsening of urban poverty. They dealt with issues of social injustice, worker unrest, and the proper role of the state in promoting the public welfare.

Today, the decline of the Portuguese economy towards the end of the 19th century is still traceable via anthropometric indicators, i.e. height. To this day, the Portuguese are the shortest Europeans. This divergence first became apparent during the 1840s and increased significantly during the 1870s. Two significant causes for this development can be identified. Firstly, Portugal's real wage evolution was slow as a result of comparatively late industrialization and slow economic growth performance. Secondly, scant investments into education led to delayed human capital formation (in comparison with other European countries). The thus arising Portuguese welfare deficit can be associated with the stagnating heights of the Portuguese.

Innovation

Mouzinho da Silveira, whose influence during the post-War era would result in changes to the economy, the separation of church and state and the reorganization of municipalities

The Viscount of Seabra, who would be responsible for the establishment of a new civil code in Portugal

The constitutional monarchy was marked by a series of legislative proposals by the government of the day, which had its base in the idealism of Mouzinho da Silveira. During his terms in office Silveira promoted revolutionary legislation for both the absolutist and liberal governments of the time (1823–1833). Payment of rents to the State, relations between the people and the Church, and municipal governance remained as they were in the medieval era. Silveira realized, to the chagrin of other Portuguese politicians, that politics was an instrument dependent on socioeconomic conditions. Marginalized at first by both absolutists and liberals, his ideas and solutions were later adopted by the new generation of liberal politicians in the post-War era. Among his many proposals, successive governments adopted his policies of disengaging the economy from social conditions, limiting taxes to 5%, ending tithes, abolishing seigniorial fees, reducing export taxes to 1%, terminating the regulation of inter-community commerce and government intervention in municipal affairs, as well as separating the judiciary and administrative offices, liberating general commerce and prohibiting some monopolies (such as the sale of soap and of Porto wines). In general, his initiatives were legislated by the post-War regimes to eliminate the privileges of the elite classes, establish social equality, encourage liberalization of the economy and improve government performance.

Secularization

In 1834, Joaquim António de Aguiar terminated the state sanction of religious orders and nationalized their lands and possessions. Later referred to as Mata-Frades (Killer of Brothers), Aguiar's government took control of the convents, churches, manor homes and holdings of various institutes that had been sustained by donations of the religious faithful and placed them for sale. Although they hoped to place land and goods in the hands of the more disadvantaged, most of the poor did not have the capital to purchase them. In fact, total sales were one tenth of what was expected, and most holdings were purchased by speculators or existing landowners.

Municipalization

Another facet of the post-War era was the reorganization of existing administrative units, in order to centralize or decentralize them and then to reconcentrate power in the national government. The debate began in 1832, when Mouzinho de Sousa's administration oversaw implementation of a system of appointing regional administrators to govern the municipalities, thus imposing central government programs and ideology on them: it was accused of being Napoleonic in its organization. The issue of centralization or de-centralization was an ongoing debate in the post-War era, resulting in successive legislation veering one way or the other. The government of Passos Manuel finally extinguished 466 municipalities in 1836, as many of them could not provide functional government. This lasted only six years, then in 1842, Costa Cabral's regime instituted another program of centralization, which was quickly challenged by the legislative acts of Almeida Garrett, Anselmo Braamcamp, Martins Ferrão, and Dias Ferreira. An economic revitalization in 1878 finally resulted in a new program of decentralization by Rodrigues Sampaio, which included exaggerated local responsibilities and the legal means for localities to raise taxes. By 1886 there was a new centralizing tendency. Consequently, over time (even extending into the Republican era) local authorities began to be supported by subsidy and co-financed projects.

Civil Code

Portugal's civil code had been a chaotic and uncompiled system of laws since the Philippine Dynasty, and many realized that it required reform. Since early attempts to rationalize these laws failed, and a unified code based on the French Civil Code was disavowed in 1820, the Portuguese courts continued to function using the Ordenações Filipinas of 1603, which amounted to a simplified reform of the Manueline codes of 1521. A book of commentary on Portuguese law, A Propriedade: Filosofia do Direito (Property: Philosophy of Law), written by Judge António Luís de Seabra and published in 1850, was adapted in 1867 as the new Portuguese Civil Code. It was unique among European civil codes in its characterization of the law in terms of person and property; it was divided into four sections: the person, property, the acquisition of property, and the defense of that property considered as legal rights. This codification of Seabra's work would be enduring (1867–1967), and was the basis for Portuguese law regarding (in the terminology of the Code): the person as a juridical entity, promulgation of laws, property, crimes and judgments.

Setembrismo and Cartismo

Costa Cabral, one-time radical whose interest in French doctrinaire politics, would return Chartists to power

For the first two years, the Constitutional Charter was the law of the land, but the government and the opposition could not agree: Queen Maria II replaced the government four times, then finally dissolved Parliament and called new elections to bridge the impasse. The opposition saw the charter as the source of governmental inertia and political deterioration, and wanted to return to the 1822 Liberal Constitution. These liberals were motivated by the movements in Spain, where in August 1836, a revolt by military officers (the Motín de La Granja de San Ildefonso) forced the reinstatement of the 1812 Cadiz Constitution. Ultimately, on 9 September 1836 a revolution in Lisbon by the politicized population and the National Guard to drive the Cartistas (Chartists) from power forced Queen Maria II to reinstate the 1822 Constitution. Members of the government installed following the revolution were known as Setembristas, after their short-lived movement, the Setembrismo, which was launched in September. Although this manifestation of popular sentiment was a reactionary movement against political instability and later supported by the military and burgher politicians, it was hampered by constant popular demands which paralyzed government activity.

The Queen fled to Belem to escape Septembrist control and initiated her own counter revolution, the Belenzada to restore the Charter with the support of Belgium and British naval forces, in exchange for territorial concessions in Africa. Despite her announcement of the resignation of the government and the garrisoning of troops, Septembrist forces threatened to march on Belém. The Belenzada (event in Belém), as it was known, failed.

In 1837, Marshals Saladanha and Terceira proclaimed the Charter in many of the garrisons of the provinces. This Revolta dos Marechais (Revolt of the Marshals) was provoked by the British, who supported the two, and lasted briefly from July through September, but resulted in many deaths. After these events, Soares Caldeira, the civil leader of the original Setembristas, organized radical sections in the National Guard. Government forces eventually eliminated these forces on the night of 13 March 1838 in the Rossio massacre.

During its short tenure, the Septembrist movement legislated the creation of public lyceums; the foundation of the Academy of Fine Arts in Lisbon and Porto, the Medical-Surgical School in Porto and the Polytechnic School of Lisbon. The liberal revolutionaries expanded the colonies In Africa, colonizing the plateaus of Angola, and in 1836 prohibited slavery. Finally, they attempted to reconcile the various political factions by establishing a revised Constitution (1838) with a compromise between the Chartists and the Septembrists. Parliament still had two chambers, but the Upper Chamber was made up of temporary elected and appointed senators.

In 1842, a coup d'etat led by one-time radical Costa Cabral, who was influenced by French doctrinaire politics, began in Porto with royal approval. Queen Maria II ordered the reinstatement of the 1826 Charter, but little progress was made in reconciling the moderate and radical left, nor in recognition of the constituent power of the nation. When a military insurrection broke out at Torres Novas in 1844, Count Bomfim, leader of the revolutionary party, took command of the insurgents and seized the fortress of Almeida. The government suppressed the revolt after a siege of a few days, but ultimately Costa Cabrals' firm and disciplined majority could not contain an undisciplined popular revolt.

Maria da Fonte

Cartoon showing an idealized Maria da Fonte leading the rebels: an idealized representation of women's roles during the peasant revolt of 1846

Unlike Septembrist initiatives that were centered on the district capitals, many of Cabral's programs affected the people of the country's interior directly. Cabral's moves once again decentralized government, placing the costs of health care, public finances and other sectors onto the tributary network, reinvoking the medieval system and subordinating local governmental authority. Two other initiatives, the forbidding of church burials and land assessment, were directly worrisome to the rural population, who were fearful of the government seizing their land rights. The revolt that occurred around the middle of April 1846 was similar to one that had occurred in Galicia, and involved a popular uprising in the parish of Fontarcada, Póvoa de Lanhoso. Although the revolt included both men and women, it was known as the Revolution of Maria da Fonte, because women were actively involved in this rural uprising: armed with carbines, pistols, torches, and stakes, the peasantry assaulted municipal buildings, burned land records, stole property and even attacked a garrison from Braga. Some even declared themselves Miguelistas, but rather for being in opposition to encroachments by the state and the imposition of taxes than as a political affirmation.

The failed Septembrist politicians, realizing the political influence that the numerous cholera-infected peasantry could have on the government, used this fact to attack Cabral's government. They succeeded in forcing Cabral's removal and exile, but the queen assembled a larger, more loyal cadre of Cabralist politicians around her new government, headed by the Duke of Saldanha.

Patuleia

Meanwhile, the peasant uprising was co-opted by an undisciplined band of political and military elements backed by the small merchant class, pitting the Septembrists against the Cartistas in a civil war known as the Patuleia, similar to what occurred in the French 1848 Revolution and the Second Republic. Although social conditions were different, an unnatural coalition of Septembrists and Miguelist sympathizers was reacting to the doctrinaire liberalism and neo-aristocratic avarice of the Cabralist politicians. Their forces installed themselves in Porto, declared a provisional government and attempted to march on Lisbon. The "soldiers", without strong ideological convictions, wavered in their political ideology, sometimes trading sides. Nevertheless, the civil war between the competing armies spread to all parts of the country, and only foreign intervention could stop the bloodletting. The popular uprising was brutally suppressed with support from Great Britain and Spain, and the war ended in a clear Cartista victory, with opposition troops being imprisoned. The Convention of Gramido, an agreement that included amnesty for the Septembrists, was signed in Porto on 29 June 1847.

Regeneration

Marshal Saladanha, responsible for seven coup d'etats in his career after the Liberal Wars

Fontes Pereira de Melo, an important politician in the period of rotativism politics

Between 1847 and 1851 nothing politically notable happened: nothing was legislated, there were few conflicts and parliament convened routinely. Costa Cabral's return from exile marked the only scandal of note when he received a carriage in exchange for a purchase. The last true conflict of this period was less a revolution and more a personal conflict. Marshal Saldanha, a Liberal commander in the Liberal Wars and leader against the Patuleia forces, finding himself sidelined in the new political order, began a revolt in the military headquarters at Sintra. Few supported him, and worse for his cause, he found only disappointment in successive cities (Mafra, Coimbra, Viseu, and Porto). Finally, while he was a refugee in Galicia, the former commander was acclaimed by regiments in Porto, and he returned to enthusiastic support at the São João Theatre. His movement was a self-styled Regeneração (Regeneration) of the political order in reaction to a corrupt system; the queen, worried that Saldanha would attract new adherents and thus plunge the nation once again into a civil war, decided to bring him into the fold, and installed him in government.

Rotativism

Consequently, Portuguese politics entered a period of tacit coexistence between the parties. While the Constitutional Charter did not change, the processes of government were modified: elections were made by direct suffrage, while Parliament could appoint commissions of inquiry into governmental acts. A wave of enthusiasm for national reconciliation swept the country, Cabral went again into exile and the country embarked on a program of internal improvements directed by Minister Fontes Pereira de Melo.

Chartists and non-Chartists transformed into the Partido Regenerador (Regenerator Party) and the Partido Histórico (Historic Party), respectively, while later the reinvented Septembrists formed the Partido Progressista (Progressive Party). These two parties, Regenerador and Histórico, were centrist (i.e., center-right and center-left respectively) "liberal" organizations led by politicians dedicated to the monarchy and interested in economic reconstruction and solving the deepening financial crisis. Yet the years following 1868 were marked by continuous political disorder, although alliances were possible, and the preference for material progress and extensive public works damaged the State's finances: it was an illusory Regenerationist peace.

This coalition against radicalism lasted until 1868, when insurmountable financial difficulties, turmoil in the streets and Parliament, and a succession of incompetent governments once again forced Saldanha to impose his will. Along with the army, he established a supra-party dictatorship in 1870 in order to impose political reforms, but he was never able to see that they had failed.

In 1890, the British Government sent Portugal an ultimatum requiring immediate withdrawal of Portuguese troops from East and South Africa, from the territories some of which Portugal administered for centuries. The Portuguese government complied, which was widely seen by the population as a national humiliation.

カルロス1世の暗殺

国王 カルロス1世は1908年のリスボン王殺しで殺害された。

→詳細は「リスボン王殺し」を参照

1908年2月1日、国王カルロス1世とその家族はVila Viçosaからリスボンに帰還した。バレイロで列車を降り、船でリスボンに移動した一行は、市街地で宮廷やフランコ政府（首相を含む）のメンバー、数人の王党派市民に出迎えられた。アジュダ宮殿に戻る際、彼らのランドーレットはテイレロ・ド・パソを通り、そこで2人の急進的共和主義者であるアルフレッド・ルイス・ダ・コスタとマヌエル・ブイサが彼らの乗ったオープンカーに発砲した。元陸軍軍曹のブイサは長い上着の下にライフルを隠し持ち、5発の弾丸を発射した。そのうちの3発が国王に、1発は王位継承者ルイス・フィリペに当たり、致命的な傷を負わせた。この騒ぎの中、警察は暗殺者2人だけでなく、不幸にも傍観者を殺害してしまった。国王の車は近くの海軍工廠に運ばれ、そこで国王と王子の死亡が確認された。王の末子であるマヌエルは、すぐにポルトガル国王に即位した。

マヌエル2世の統治期間はとても短く、若い王は人民的な君主と考えられていたのにも関わらず、共和主義勢力は君主とその制度を攻撃し続けた。彼の想定外の王位継承（18歳）は、残忍な父と兄の殺害事件によって特徴付けられたが、彼の治世は現実的で、立憲君主制の原則を尊重していた。共和党やカルボナリアの過激派からの脅迫にもかかわらず、マヌエル2世は勇気を持って国家制度と法の支配を守る責任を果たした。

マヌエル2世は、当時のQuestão Social（社会問題）であった労働者階級や社会改革、社会保障制度に関心を抱いていたが、多くの新しい構想を実現には時間がほとんどなかったであろう。

10月5日革命

→詳細は「1910年の10月5日革命」を参照

After general elections on 28 August 1910, Republican party representation had grown only to 14 deputies in the Chamber of Deputies, the lower house of the Cortes. Even with support from other pro-republican parties, the Republicans were only able to muster closer to 40 seats in the Chamber, in comparison to the 120 pro-monarchist deputies. Nevertheless, these governments tended to be unstable, and during his reign Manuel II changed the government seven times.

Militant Republicans and their allies in the Carbonária were not willing to remain in the shadows of the constitutional monarchy. Between 4–5 October 1910, members of the Carbonária, republican youth, and elements of the army instigated a coup d'état against the already weak constitutional monarchy. The young king and his family, after a few miscues, escaped from the Palace in Mafra to exile in England. On the morning of 5 October 1910, the Republic was declared from the balcony of Lisbon City Hall, ending eight centuries of monarchy in Portugal.

Further reading

• Anderson, James Maxwell (2000). The Greenwood Histories of the Modern Nations: The History of Portugal. Westport, Connecticut: Greenwood Press. ISBN 0-313-31106-4. https://books.google.com/books?id=UoryGn9o4x0C  online
• Birmingham, David (1993). A Concise History of Portugal (2nd ed.). Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-53686-3. https://books.google.com/books?id=8MQlBP0IrHgC 
• Gallagher, Tom (1983). Portugal: a Twentieth-Century Interpretation. Manchester, England: Manchester University Press. ISBN 9780719008764. https://books.google.com/books?id=-xu8AAAAIAAJ 
• Livermore, H.V.. A New History of Portugal (2nd ed.). Cambridge, England: Cambridge University Press. ISBN 0-521-21320-7  1st edition 1947, fulltext
• Payne, Stanley G. A History of Spain and Portugal (2 vol 1973) full text online vol 2 after 1700; standard scholarly history; Chapters 19, 22

Historiography

• Fernandes, Paulo Jorge; Menses, Filipe Ribeiro de; Baioâ, Manuel. "The Political History of Nineteenth Century Portugal," e-Journal of Portuguese History (e-JPH) (2003) 1#1 online

In Portuguese

• Saraiva, José Hermano (2007) (Portuguese). História Concisa de Portugal [Concise History of Portugal] (24th ed.). Lisbon, Portugal: Colecção Saber 

バーゼルの和約 (1499年)

バーゼルの和約
シュヴァーベン戦争終わりの1499年、バーゼルの和約の交渉。ミラノ特使がバーゼル市役所でガレアッツ・ヴィスコンティが神聖ローマ皇帝マクシミリアン1世の代表団に和平案を提示しており、ルツェルンからの代表者（前列左、青と白のドレス）がそれを通訳をしている。（ルツェルン・シリングより）
署名	1499年9月22日 (1499-09-22)
署名場所	バーゼル
当事国	原初同盟 シュヴァーベン同盟

バーゼル条約（バーゼルじょうやく）は、ドルナッハの戦い後の1499年9月22日に結ばれた休戦協定であり、シュヴァーベン同盟と原初同盟間で争われたシュヴァーベン戦争を終結させた。

この条約により、戦争前の原状の領土が回復された。十裁判区同盟の10つの加盟国のうち8カ国は名目上ハプスブルク家に服属することが確認されたが、同盟への加盟と原初同盟との同盟は維持されることになった。

これまで帝国からコンスタンツ市に貸し出されていたトゥルーガウ州の管轄権は、原初同盟に移されることになった。また、スイスの邦人に対する帝国アハト刑とすべての禁輸措置が廃止された。

19世紀のスイス史学では、この条約は、原初同盟の神聖ローマ帝国からの「事実上の」独立に向けた重要な一歩であるとされた。この条約は、ヴィルヘルム・オクスリ（1890年）の言葉によれば、「ドイツがスイスの独立を認めた」ことを表す。しかしこの見解は、20世紀の文献で当時の盟主たちが神聖ローマ帝国と距離を置こうとした形跡がないため、成り立たないとされるようになった。しかし、この条約によって原初同盟は帝国内の政体として大幅に強化された。その直接的な結果に、中世末期の8州から近世初期の13州への拡大（1481年-1513年）の一環として、1501年にバーゼル州とシャフハウゼン州が加盟したことがらあげられる。

ポルトガルの歴史

• ポルトガルの歴史
• ポルトガル
• ルシタニア
• 西ゴート王国
• アンダルス
• ムラービト朝
• ポルトゥカーレ伯領
• レコンキスタ
• ポルトガル海上帝国
• ポルトガル王国
• ポルトガル第一共和政
• ディタドゥーラ・ナシオナル
• エスタド・ノヴォ
• ポルトガル第三共和政
• Template:ポルトガルの歴史
• ポルトガル (中世)
• ポルトガルの歴史 (1415年-1578年)
• ポルトガル継承戦争
• イベリア連合
• ポルトガルの歴史 (1640年-1777年)
• ポルトガルの歴史 (1777年-1834年)
• ポルトガルの歴史 (1834年-1910年)
• 北部王国
• National Salvation Junta

ポルトガル領アンゴラ

ポルトガル領西アフリカ

África Ocidental Portuguesa  (ポルトガル語)

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1575年 - 1975年

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（国旗）	（国章）

国歌: Hymno Patriótico（ポルトガル語）
（1808年-1834年）

Hino da Carta（ポルトガル語）
（1834年-1910年）

The Portuguese（ポルトガル語）
ア・ポルトゥゲーザ（1910年-1975年）

ポルトガル領西アフリカの地図（1905年-1975年）

ポルトガル領アンゴラ（ポルトガルりょうアンゴラ）は、南西アフリカのアンゴラがポルトガルの支配下に置かれていた時期を指す。1951年まではポルトガル領西アフリカとして知られていた。

ポルトガルは当初は沿岸部を支配し、コンゴ王国と軍事衝突が起こっていたが、18世紀には内陸の高地地域を徐々に植民地化していった。しかし、領土全体の完全な支配を達成したのは、20世紀初頭の「スクランブル・フォー・アフリカ」において、他のヨーロッパ列強との協定により植民地内部の国境が確定した後である。1951年6月11日、ポルトガル領西アフリカはアンゴラ海外州に昇格し、最終的には1973年にState of Angolaとなった。1975年、ポルトガル領アンゴラは独立し、アンゴラ人民共和国となった。

ポルトガル領モザンビーク

ポルトガル領東アフリカ

África Oriental Portuguesa  (ポルトガル語)

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1505年 - 1975年

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（ポルトガルの国旗）	（ポルトガルの国章）

国歌: "Hymno Patriótico" (1808–34)
Patriotic Anthem

"Hino da Carta" (1834–1910)
Hymn of the Charter

"A Portuguesa" (1910–75)
The Portuguese

ポルトガル領東アフリカの位置

公用語	ポルトガル語
宗教	カトリック
首都	Cidade de Pedra (1507- 1898) ロウレンソ・マルケス（1898年-1975年）
国家元首 1505年 - 1521年 国王マヌエル1世 1974年 - 1975年 大統領フランシスコ・ダ・コスタ・ゴメス 総督 1505年 - 1506年 Pêro de Anaia（初代） 1974年 - 1975年 Vítor Manuel Trigueiros Crespo （最後） 変遷 設立 1505年 ポルトガルから独立 1975年6月25日
通貨	モザンビーク・レアル（1852年-1914年） モザンビーク・エスクード（1914年-1975年）
現在	モザンビーク

ポルトガル領モザンビーク（ポルトガルりょうモザンビーク、ポルトガル語: Moçambique）またはポルトガル領東アフリカ（ポルトガルりょうひがしアフリカ、ポルトガル語: África Oriental Portuguesa）は、どちらもモザンビークがポルトガルの植民地であった時代を指す用語である。当初、ポルトガル領モザンビークは南東アフリカの沿岸部にあったポルトガルの領地群であったが、後に統合し、現在はモザンビーク共和国を形成している。

ヴァスコ・ダ・ガマがモザンビークの海岸に到達した1498年以降、ポルトガルの貿易集落（後の植民地）が海岸沿いとザンベジ川流域に形成された。1544年、ロウレンソ・マルケスが現在のマプト湾のあたりを探検した。ポルトガルは「アフリカ分割」以降、植民地内部の占領に力を入れ、1918年に植民地の大部分を政治的に支配するようになったが、その過程でアフリカ人の抵抗に遭った。

Some territories in Mozambique were handed over in the late 19th century for rule by chartered companies like the Mozambique Company (Companhia de Moçambique), which had the concession of the lands corresponding to the present-day provinces of Manica and Sofala, and the Niassa Company (Companhia do Niassa), which had controlled the lands of the modern provinces of Cabo Delgado and Niassa. The Mozambique Company relinquished its territories back to Portuguese control in 1942, unifying Mozambique under control of the Portuguese government.

The region as a whole was long officially termed Portuguese East Africa, and was subdivided into a series of colonies extending from Lourenço Marques in the south to Niassa in the north. Cabo Delgado was initially merely a strip of territory along the Rovuma River, including Cape Delgado itself, which Portugal acquired out of German East Africa in 1919, but it was enlarged southward to the Lurio River to form what is now Cabo Delgado Province. In the Zambezi basin were the colonies of Quelimane (now Zambezia Province) and Tete (in the panhandle between Northern Rhodesia, now Zambia, and Southern Rhodesia, now Zimbabwe), which were for a time merged as Zambezia. The colony of Moçambique (now Nampula Province) had the Island of Mozambique as its capital. The island was also the seat of the Governor-General of Portuguese East Africa until the late 1890s, when that official was officially moved to the city of Lourenço Marques. Also in the south was the colony of Inhambane, which lay north-east of Lourenço Marques. Once these colonies were merged, the region as a whole became known as Moçambique.

According to the official policy of the Salazar regime, inspired on the concept of Lusotropicalismo, Mozambique was claimed as an integral part of the "pluricontinental and multiracial nation" of Portugal, as was done in all of its colonies to Europeanise the local population and assimilate them into Portuguese culture. This policy was largely unsuccessful, however, and African opposition to colonisation led to a ten-year independence war that culminated in the Carnation Revolution at Lisbon in April 1974 and the independence from Portugal in June 1975.

ポルトガル領カーボベルデ

カーボベルデ海外州

Província Ultramarina de Cabo Verde  (ポルトガル語)

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1462年 - 1975年

→

（国旗）	（国章）

国歌: Hymno Patriótico（ポルトガル語）
（1808年-1834年）

Hino da Carta（ポルトガル語）
イーノ・ダ・カルタ（1834年-1910年）

The Portuguese（ポルトガル語）
ア・ポルトゥゲーザ（1910年-1975年）

カーボベルデ海外州の位置

ポルトガル領カーボベルデの提案された旗

ポルトガル領カーボベルデ（ポルトガルりょうカーボベルデ）は、最初に植民が行われた1462年から独立を果たした1975年まで、ポルトガル帝国の植民地であった期間を指す言葉である。

メモ

La Marseillaise（フランス語）
ラ・マルセイエーズ