利用者:安息香酸/砂場6

en:Æthelwulf, King of Wessexのoldid=1158771323版をコピペ

エゼルウルフ
14世紀に記されたイングランド王の家系図に描かれたエゼルウルフ王
ウェセックス王
在位期間 839年–858年
先代	エグバート
次代	エゼルバルド
死亡	858年1月13日
埋葬	ステイニング ウィンチェスターに再葬
王室	ウェセックス家
父親	エグバート
配偶者	オスブルフ ジュディス・オブ・フランドル
子女 エゼルスタン エゼルウィス エゼルバルド エゼルベルト エゼルレッド1世 アルフレッド大王

エゼルウルフ(言語発音: [ˈæðelwuɫf];、古英語:Æthelwulf(『高貴な狼』の意)、858年1月13日没)とは、9世紀のウェセックス王（在位839年～858年）である。825年、エゼルウルフの父エグバート王はマーシア王ベオルンウルフを撃破し、ハンバー川以南地域において長きにわたり続いたマーシア王国の覇権を終焉に導いた。続いてエグバート王はエゼルウルフ王子に軍勢を預けケント王国に対する軍事侵攻を行わせ、マーシア王国の影響下に置かれていたケント王を駆逐させ、エゼルウルフをケント副王に任じた。830年代以降、エグバート王はマーシア王国と友好関係を結ぶ政策を推進し、ウェセックスとマーシアの友好関係はエゼルウルフのウェセックス王就任後も続いた。

エゼルウルフ王の治世下ではヴァイキングの襲撃は王国の主な脅威ではなかったという。843年、エゼルウルフ王はサマセット地方のカーハンプトン村にてヴァイキングの軍勢に敗れたものの、851年のアクレアの戦いでヴァイキングの撃破に成功した。853年には、マーシア王国のウェールズ地方に対する覇権奪還を目的とするウェールズ遠征に参加し、同年には娘のエゼルウィスをマーシア王ブルグレドに嫁がせた。855年、エゼルウルフ王はローマ巡礼を行った。巡礼を行う仕度としてエゼルウルフは自身の財産の10分の1を寄進し、生存する最年長の息子であったエゼルバルドに自身不在の際のウェセックス統治を任せ、ケント王国とウェセックス南東地域の統治を次男エゼルベルトに一任した。ローマ巡礼を敢行したエゼルウルフはローマで1年ほど過ごし、ウェセックスへの帰還途中に西フランク王シャルル禿頭王の娘ジュディス・オブ・フランドルと結婚した。

エゼルウルフ王がウェセックス王国に帰還したのち、王国で問題が起きた。王国代理統治を任されていた彼の長男エゼルバルドは父王への統治権の返上を拒否したのである。エゼルウルフ王は王国の分割・共同統治に同意し、エゼルウルフ王自身は王国東部を領しエゼルバルドが西部を領することが取り決められた。858年、エゼルウルフ王が崩御した。彼の死をもってウェセックスはエゼルバルドが、ケントはエゼルベルトが継承した。しかしこの2年後、エゼルバルドが崩御したためウェセックス・ケントの両王国は再び統合された。20世紀の歴史家たちの間でのエゼルウルフ王の評判は芳しくない。歴史家たちはエゼルウルフ王をきわめて敬虔で非現実的な思考の持ち主であったと見ている。また彼のローマ巡礼という行為は王としての重責の放棄行為であるともみなされている。しかし21世紀の歴史家たちの見方はずいぶん異なっている。21世紀の歴史家はエゼルウルフ王が果たしたウェセックス王朝の権力強化・拡大や大陸諸国から尊敬を集めたこと、また当時の他の君主と比べて効果的にヴァイキングの襲撃に対処したという功績を基に、最も成功した西サクソン人の王として評価されている。エゼルウルフ王の偉業は彼の息子アルフレッド大王の偉業の基礎となったとされている。

背景

9世紀の南イングランド

9世紀初頭、イングランドの大半の地域はマーシア王国・ウェセックス王国の2大王国の統治下におかれていた。特にマーシア王国は820年代より覇権を握り続けており、イーストアングリア王国・ケント王国に対する大君主の地位に立っていた。対するウェセックス王国はマーシア王国の覇権に飲み込まれることなく独立を保っていた。757年から796年にかけてのマーシア王としてイングランドに覇を唱えていたオファ王はウェセックス王ベオルトリッチに自身の娘を嫁がせ、両王は協力してエゼルウルフ王の父親でケント王エルムンドの息子であるエグバートをイングランドから追放した。エグバートは大陸で覇を唱えていたカール大帝の下に身を寄せた。その後オファ王が崩御したのち、マーシア王位を継承したコエンウルフはオファ王が築き上げたマーシアの覇権を維持し続けたが、ベオルトリッチ王がそれまで通りマーシア王の覇権を認め続けたのかどうかについては明らかになっていない。そして802年、ベオルトリッチが崩御したことにより、エグバートが亡命地のフランスから帰国しウェセックス王位に就いたが、この際カール大帝から支援があったともいわれている。ウェセックス王国では200年にわたって3王家が西サクソン王位を巡る争いを繰り広げていたが、どの王も自身の息子に王位を継承させることはできていなかった。そんな中、エグバートは自身の王位継承の正当性を主張する際、自身が8世紀前半頃のウェセックス王イネの兄弟イングリドの玄孫であると主張した。王位についたころ、エグバート王が自身の息子を継承者としてウェセックス王位を継がせ自身の王朝を創始するだろうとはだれもが予想していなかったとされる。

エグバート王の治世の初めの20年間に関する記録は、810年代に実行されたコーンウォール人に対する軍事遠征を除いてほとんど残されていない。歴史家のリチャード・アベルス氏（en:Richard Abels）アングロサクソン年代記にこの時代の記録がほとんど残されていないのは、エグバートが即位の後に実施したベオトルリッチ王派の諸侯への粛清や対立王家への弾圧などといった事実を隠すために意図的に記録を残さなかったからではないかと考えられている。またこの時、マーシア王と服属するするケント人たちとの関係は近しいものではなかった。ケント人諸侯はコエンウルフ王の王宮に出仕しておらず、またコエンウルフ王は当時のカンタベリー大司教ウルフレッド (en:Wulfred) ともケント王国の修道院の管理を巡り対立していた。しかしコエンウルフ王の後を継いだチェオルウルフ1世やベオルンウルフはウルフレッド司教との関係改善に努め、ベオルンウルフ王はバルドレッドをケント副王に任命した。

8世紀後半になるとヴァイキングの襲撃事件が増加したものの、794年から835年までの期間において彼らによる襲撃事件は一つも記録されていない。そして835年、ケント王国内のシェピー島がヴァイキングの襲撃を受けたが、これは南イングランドで初めてのヴァイキング襲撃事件となった。836年、エグバート王はサマセット地域カーハンプトンでヴァイキングに軍勢に敗れたが、838年にはヒングストン・ダウンの戦いでコーンウォール人・ヴァイキングの連合軍を撃破した。敗北したコーンウォールの王国はウェセックスの衛星国にまでなり下がった。

家族

エゼルウルフの父エグバートは802年から839年にかけてウェセックス王に君臨した。一方母親の名前は伝わっておらず、兄弟姉妹の記録も残っていない。彼は生涯で続けて2人の女性と結婚したと伝わり、先に結婚したのはオスブルフという名前の者であり、エゼルウルフのすべての息子の母親である。エゼルウルフの著名な執事として知られるアッサー司教の言い伝えによると、オスブルフはオスラクと呼ばれるジュート人の末裔・ワイト島領主の娘であったとされる。エゼルウルフ王には6人の息子がいた。長男のエゼルスタン(850年代初期頃没)は839年にケント王に任命されていることから、820年代初期に誕生したと考えられている。次男のエゼルバルドは、841年に初めて勅許状証人として記録されており、アルフレッド大王のように6歳頃から勅許状への承認活動を始めたとすれば、835年頃に生まれたことになる。エゼルバルドは858年から860年の2年間にかけてウェセックス王として君臨した。3男のエゼルベルトはおそらく839年頃に誕生し、860年から865年にかけてウェセックス王座に就いた。唯一の娘であるエゼルウィスは853年にマーシア王ブルグレドに嫁いでいる。4人目の息子：エゼルレッドは848年に誕生し865－871年にかけてウェセックス王であった。最年少の息子アルフレッドは849年に誕生し871－899年にかけてウェセックス王に君臨した。856年には西フランク王シャルル2世の娘ジュディスと結婚した。この時恐らく一人目の王妃オスブルフは亡くなっていたとされるが、離縁されていた可能性も否定できない。エゼルウルフとジュディスの間に子供はおらず、エゼルウルフ王の崩御の後にジュディスは彼の息子で継承者のエゼルバルドと再婚した。

若年期

エゼルウルフの名は825年に初めて記録上に出現する。この年、父王エグバートがエランダンの戦いでマーシア王ベオウルフを撃破し、南イングランドにおけるマーシア王国の覇権を潰えさせることに成功した。マーシア軍を撃破したのち、エグバートは息子のエゼルウルフとシェアボーン司教エルスタン(en:Eahlstan)・ハンプシャー領主Wulfheardらに大軍を預けケント王国へ軍事侵攻しケント副王バルドレッドを放逐するよう命じた。。遠征後、エゼルウルフはケント王家の血を引き継いでいたことより、839年にウェセックス王位を継承するまでの間にかけてケント王国の副王、また当時副王領に含まれていたサリー・エセックス・サセックスの副王として当地域を領した。副王としてのエゼルウルフの活躍は彼が発布した勅許状に記録されており、その中にはエグバート王がエゼルウルフの許可を得たうえで実行した事柄についても記録されている。かつてケントに対する覇権を握っていたマーシア王国はケント人に譲歩し現地での直接的な統治をおこなわなかったのに対し、エゼルウルフとエグバート王はケント人諸侯を通じてケントを統治し諸侯たちの財産の増大につながるよう施策を執り行ったおかげで、ケント地元民の協力をうまく得ることができた。アベルス氏はエグバート・エゼルウルフ父子は彼らを支持するケント諸侯に褒賞を与え、逆にマーシア王家を支持するケント諸侯を追放したものと見ている。ケントにおける教会体制に関する意見は歴史家たちによって大きく異なっている。828年、エグバート王はロチェスター司教に対して寄進を行ったとされるが、歴史家サイモン・ケインズによれば、この政策はエグバート王とエゼルウルフはウルフレド大司教から支持を得るためのものだという。一方ニコラス・ブルークスはマーシア人としての出自を持つウルフレッド大司教は自身の出自とそれによる人脈が仇となったと主張している。エゼルウルフはウルフレッド大司教が所有してきたイースト・モーリングの所領を収公したが、これはイースト・モーリングの所領はウェセックス軍に敗れ敗走している最中のマーシア王バーグレッドから与えられたにすぎない領土であったからであり領有の正当性が存在しないという理由で没収されたのであった。また大司教が有していた硬貨鋳造権も数年間の間に渡って剥奪され、ウルフレッド大司教が825年以降に有していた領地はマーシア王ウィグラフから与えられた領土のみとなっていた。

829年、エグバート王はマーシア王国を征服したが、結局その1年後にウィグラフ王が機に乗じてマーシア王に復位した。歴史家デイビッド・カーヴィーはウィグラフ王の復位という出来事をエグバート王にとって劇的な挫折的な出来事として見ている。この後、エグバートはロンドンの貨幣鋳造場を失った上にエセックス・バークシャーの統治権をもマーシア王国に奪われてしまった。歴史家ヒザー・エドワードは「彼は自身が敢行した素晴らしい征服事業を維持することができなかった」と述べている。しかしケインズは自身の見解を以下のように記している

It is interesting ... that both Ecgberht and his son Æthelwulf appear to have respected the separate identity of Kent and its associated provinces, as if there appears to have been no plan at this stage to absorb the southeast into an enlarged kingdom stretching across the whole of southern England. Nor does it seem to have been the intention of Ecgberht and his successors to maintain supremacy of any kind over the kingdom of Mercia ... It is quite possible that Ecgberht had relinquished Mercia of his own volition; and there is no suggestion that any residual antagonism affected relations between the rulers of Wessex and Mercia thereafter.

838年、エグバート王はキングストンにて会議を開催し、エゼルウルフはその地で大司教により王として神聖化されたという。エグバートは「エグバート・エゼルウルフ・彼の後継者たちと固く強固な友人関係を約束すること」を条件にイースト・モーリングの領地をウルフレッドの後任カンタベリー大司教セオルノスに返還し、同様の条件の下でウィンチェスター司教区に対し支援金を下賜している加えてエグバートはエゼルウルフに対する支援を確実なものとし、エゼルウルフは641年以降で初めて父から王位を継承した西サクソン人の王となった。同時にこの会議にてケント地方の修道院はエゼルウルフを彼らの領主と認め、エグバート王の死後、エゼルウルフはケント修道僧に対して彼らのリーダーを自分達で選出する権利を付与した。かつてウルフレッド大司教は大司教職をかけてケント地方の修道院と世俗権力をめぐり争っていたが、セオルノス大司教はエゼルウルフ王にケントの修道院に対する実効支配権を委ねた。エゼルウルフは自身の死後にケント修道院をウェセックス統治から解放するよう命じていたが、この命令は彼の後継者に履行されることはなかった。一方ケント聖職者・一般民衆はヴァイキングの襲撃からの保護を、もはやマーシア王ではなくウェセックス王に求めていた 。

エグバートは征服事業によりこれまでのウェセックス王が有した以上の莫大な富を手に入れることができ、その潤沢な財産のおかげで自身の子孫がウェセックス王位を保持し続けることが可能となった。エグバートが確実なものとした単一王家によるウェセックス王位の継承により王国は安定し、エグバートの後を継いだエゼルウルフは商業的・農業的に王国を大いに繁栄させることに成功し、王室収入の増大にもつながった。838-839年にはセオルノス大司教と協定を締結した。この協定で、ウェセックス王による保護と引き換えにこれまで独立を保っていた修道院・教会がウェセックス王の支配を受けることが取り決められたことにより、ウェセックス王の王室収入は更に増加した。ウェセックスは以上のように大繁栄期を迎えていたものの、このウェセックス王国の覇権がかつてのマーシア王国の覇権と比べてより永続的であるという確証はなかった。

ウェセックスの王

エゼルウルフ、西サクソン人の王

統治経験の豊富なエゼルウルフは839年にウェセックス王位を継承した。ウェセックス王となった彼は、今度は自身の息子たちを各地の副王に任命した。アングロ・サクソン年代記によれば、ウェセックス王就任に際して、「息子のエゼルスタンにケント人の王国と東サクソン人(エセックス)の王国、そしてサリー・南サクソン人(サセックス)の王国を与えた」という。しかしエゼルウルフはかつて自身が父エグバートから授けられていたほどの権力を息子に与えることはなく、エゼルスタンは父王エゼルウルフの勅許状に名を連ねることはあっても、自ら勅許状を発布することはなかった。エゼルウルフはイングランド南東部をも支配し、定期的に当該地域を訪問した。彼はウェセックスとケントを別々の王国として統治し、それぞれの王国における会議にはそれぞれの貴族のみが出席した。歴史家ジャネット・ネルソン氏は「エゼルウルフ王はカロリング風の統治スタイルを採用し複数の王国を治める一族を束ね、父王としての自らの権威とそれぞれの国の貴族たちの同意の下で支配地域を統治した」と述べている。エゼルウルフ王は先王エグバートが行なっていたケント人貴族層から選出・任命された領主達と彼らの財産の増加政策を通じたケント統治体制を維持しつつも、ケント王国内の教会に対する支援を削減した。843年にはエゼルウルフ王はケント領主エアルヘレの兄弟エゼルモドに対してリトル・チャート近辺の10ハイドの領土を授与し、853年にエアルヘレが亡くなったのちにはエゼルモドに対してエアルヘレの領土の継承を許可したという。844年にはケント地方のチャーサム地域をケント貴族エアドレッドに授与し、またエアドレッドに対してチャーサム地域の一部地域を地元の地主にさらに授与する権利をも付与した。互酬文化において、この領土授与を通じて、受領者・臣下と国王との間における相互的友情・恩義関係が構築されたと考えられている。当時のカンタベリー大司教は西サクソン王族の一員として活躍しており、彼のエアルドルマンもまた高位貴族の立場におり、時には国王の子息より高位の立場として勅許状に名を記すこともあったという。彼の在位期間は王室出身の司教が存在した証拠が残っている初めての時代でもあり、マームズベリー修道院は聖アルドヘルムの聖遺物を守護する聖堂に対する重要な後援者として見なされている。

830年以降、エグバートはマーシア王国との以前から続く友好関係維持政策を継続し、この政策はエゼルウルフ王即位後も継承された。830年代には、これまでマーシア王国が代々統治し続けていたロンドンの街が西サクソン人の統治下に置かれたが、エゼルウルフがウェセックス王位を継承した直後にロンドンはマーシア王国の支配下に再び置かれた。839年に亡くなったウィグラフ王の跡を継いだベオルンウルフ王はロンドンの貨幣鋳造施設を再開させ、840年代中頃には両王国は協力して貨幣を鋳造したとみられている。ウェセックス王国はマーシア王国の貨幣鋳造施策を支援することで、両王国の友好関係を知らしめたのかもしれない。また、844年にはロンドン西部のバークシャー地域はマーシア王国の支配下にあったものの、849年に当地域でアルフレッド大王が誕生していることから、それまでにウェセックス王国の支配下に組み込まれていたものとみられる。バークシャー地域がウェセックス王の支配下に移った後も、地元マーシア人領主エゼルウルフ(en: Æthelwulf of Berkshire)は西サクソン王の権威のもとでバークシャー地域を領有し続けている。852年にマーシア王ベオルンウルフが亡くなったが、マーシアとウェセックスとの友好関係は後継者であるブルグレッド王に引き継がれた。(ブルグレッド王は853年にエゼルウルフ王の娘エルスウィスと結婚している。) エゼルウルフ王は853年にはブルグレッド王のウェールズ遠征を支援し、

However, the local Mercian ealdorman, also called Æthelwulf, retained his position under the West Saxon kings.Berhtwulf died in 852 and cooperation with Wessex continued under Burgred, his successor as King of Mercia, who married Æthelwulf's daughter Æthelswith in 853. In the same year Æthelwulf assisted Burgred in a successful attack on Wales to restore the traditional Mercian hegemony over the Welsh.

In 9th-century Mercia and Kent, royal charters were produced by religious houses, each with its own style, but in Wessex there was a single royal diplomatic tradition, probably by a single agency acting for the king. This may have originated in Ecgberht's reign, and it becomes clear in the 840s, when Æthelwulf had a Frankish secretary called Felix. There were strong contacts between the West Saxon and Carolingian courts. The Annals of St Bertin took particular interest in Viking attacks on Britain, and in 852 Lupus, the Abbot of Ferrières and a protégé of Charles the Bald, wrote to Æthelwulf congratulating him on his victory over the Vikings and requesting a gift of lead to cover his church roof. Lupus also wrote to his "most beloved friend" Felix, asking him to manage the transport of the lead. Unlike Canterbury and the south-east, Wessex did not see a sharp decline in the standard of Latin in charters in the mid-9th century, and this may have been partly due to Felix and his continental contacts. Lupus thought that Felix had great influence over the King. Charters were mainly issued from royal estates in counties which were the heartland of ancient Wessex, namely Hampshire, Somerset, Wiltshire and Dorset, with a few in Kent.

An ancient division between east and west Wessex continued to be important in the 9th century; the boundary was Selwood Forest on the borders of Somerset, Dorset and Wiltshire. The two bishoprics of Wessex were Sherborne in the west and Winchester in the east. Æthelwulf's family connections seem to have been west of Selwood, but his patronage was concentrated further east, particularly on Winchester, where his father was buried, and where he appointed Swithun to succeed Helmstan as bishop in 852–853. However, he made a grant of land in Somerset to his leading ealdorman, Eanwulf, and on 26 December 846, he granted a large estate to himself in South Hams in west Devon. He thus changed it from royal demesne, which he was obliged to pass on to his successor as king, to bookland, which could be transferred as the owner pleased, so he could make land grants to followers to improve security in a frontier zone.

ヴァイキングの脅威

840年代初期ごろよりイギリス海峡両側地域でヴァイキングによる襲撃事件が多発するようになり、843年にはエゼルウルフ王はサマセット地方カーハンプトンにて35隻のデーン人ヴァイキング艦隊に敗れた。850年にはケント王国沿岸部サンドウィッチ沖で海戦が勃発し、エゼルスタン副王・ケント領主エアルヘレ率いるウェセックス艦隊はヴァイキングの大艦隊の撃破に成功した。彼らは戦闘の最中に9隻の軍船を拿捕し、残りの艦隊を蹴散らした。エゼルスタンはエアルヘレに対してケント王国内の広大な領土を下賜したが、その後エゼルスタンの名は歴史上から姿を消した。おそらくその後直ぐに亡くなったのであろう

Viking raids increased in the early 840s on both sides of the English Channel, and in 843 Æthelwulf was defeated by the companies of 35 Danish ships at Carhampton in Somerset. In 850 sub-king Æthelstan and Ealdorman Ealhhere of Kent won a naval victory over a large Viking fleet off Sandwich in Kent, capturing nine ships and driving off the rest. Æthelwulf granted Ealhhere a large estate in Kent, but Æthelstan is not heard of again, and probably died soon afterwards. The following year the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle records five different attacks on southern England. A Danish fleet of 350 Viking ships took London and Canterbury, and when King Berhtwulf of Mercia went to their relief he was defeated. The Vikings then moved on to Surrey, where they were defeated by Æthelwulf and his son Æthelbald at the Battle of Aclea. According to the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle the West Saxon levies "there made the greatest slaughter of a heathen that we have heard tell of up to the present day". The Chronicle frequently reported victories during Æthelwulf's reign won by levies led by ealdormen, unlike the 870s when royal command was emphasised, reflecting a more consensual style of leadership in the earlier period.

In 850, a Danish army wintered on Thanet, and in 853, ealdormen Ealhhere of Kent and Huda of Surrey were killed in a battle against the Vikings, also on Thanet. In 855, Danish Vikings stayed over the winter on Sheppey, before carrying on their pillaging of eastern England. However, during Æthelwulf's reign, Viking attacks were contained and did not present a major threat.

Coinage

Coin of King Æthelwulf: "EĐELVVLF REX", moneyer Manna, Canterbury

The silver penny was almost the only coin used in middle and later Anglo-Saxon England. Æthelwulf's coinage came from a main mint in Canterbury and a secondary one at Rochester; both had been used by Ecgberht for his own coinage after he gained control of Kent. During Æthelwulf's reign, there were four main phases of the coinage distinguishable at both mints, though they are not exactly parallel and it is uncertain when the transitions took place. The first issue at Canterbury carried a design known as Saxoniorum, which had been used by Ecgberht for one of his own issues. This was replaced by a portrait design in about 843, which can be subdivided further; the earliest coins have cruder designs than the later ones. At the Rochester mint, the sequence was reversed, with an initial portrait design replaced, also in about 843, by a non-portrait design carrying a cross-and-wedges pattern on the obverse.

In about 848, both mints switched to a common design known as Dor¯b¯/Cant – the characters "Dor¯b¯" on the obverse of these coins indicate either Dorobernia (Canterbury) or Dorobrevia (Rochester), and "Cant", referring to Kent, appeared on the reverse. It is possible that the Canterbury mint continued to produce portrait coins at the same time. The Canterbury issue seems to have been ended in 850–851 by Viking raids, though it is possible that Rochester was spared, and the issue may have continued there. The final issue, again at both mints, was introduced in about 852; it has an inscribed cross on the reverse and a portrait on the obverse. Æthelwulf's coinage became debased by the end of his reign, and though the problem became worse after his death it is possible that the debasement prompted the changes in coin type from as early as 850.

Æthelwulf's first Rochester coinage may have begun when he was still sub-king of Kent, under Ecgberht. A hoard of coins deposited at the beginning of Æthelwulf's reign in about 840, found in the Middle Temple in London, contained 22 coins from Rochester and two from Canterbury of the first issue of each mint. Some numismatists argue that the high proportion of Rochester coins means that the issue must have commenced before Ecgberht's death, but an alternative explanation is that whoever hoarded the coins simply happened to have access to more Rochester coins. No coins were issued by Æthelwulf's sons during his reign.

Ceolnoth, Archbishop of Canterbury throughout Æthelwulf's reign, also minted coins of his own at Canterbury: there were three different portrait designs, thought to be contemporary with each of the first three of Æthelwulf's Canterbury issues. These were followed by an inscribed cross design that was uniform with Æthelwulf's final coinage. At Rochester, Bishop Beornmod produced only one issue, a cross-and-wedges design which was contemporary with Æthelwulf's Saxoniorum issue.

In the view of the numismatists Philip Grierson and Mark Blackburn, the mints of Wessex, Mercia and East Anglia were not greatly affected by changes in political control: "the remarkable continuity of moneyers which can be seen at each of these mints suggests that the actual mint organisation was largely independent of the royal administration and was founded in the stable trading communities of each city".

Decimation Charters

Charter S 316 dated 855, in which Æthelwulf granted land at Ulaham in Kent to his minister Ealdhere.

The early 20th-century historian W. H. Stevenson observed that: "Few things in our early history have led to so much discussion" as Æthelwulf's Decimation Charters; a hundred years later the charter expert Susan Kelly described them as "one of the most controversial groups of Anglo-Saxon diplomas". Both Asser and the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle say that Æthelwulf gave a decimation, in 855, shortly before leaving on pilgrimage to Rome. According to the Chronicle "King Æthelwulf conveyed by charter the tenth part of his land throughout all his kingdom to the praise of God and to his own eternal salvation". However, Asser states that "Æthelwulf, the esteemed king, freed the tenth part of his whole kingdom from royal service and tribute, and as an everlasting inheritance he made it over on the cross of Christ to the triune God, for the redemption of his soul and those of his predecessors." According to Keynes, Asser's version may just be a "loose translation" of the Chronicle, and his implication that Æthelwulf released a tenth of all land from secular burdens was probably not intended. All land could be regarded as the king's land, so the Chronicle reference to "his land" does not necessarily refer to royal property, and since the booking of land – conveying it by charter – was always regarded as a pious act, Asser's statement that he made it over to God does not necessarily mean that the charters were in favour of the church.

The Decimation Charters are divided by Susan Kelly into four groups:

1. Two dated at Winchester on 5 November 844. In a charter in the Malmesbury archive, Æthelwulf refers in the proem to the perilous state of his kingdom as the result of the assaults of pagans and barbarians. For the sake of his soul and in return for masses for the king and ealdormen each Wednesday, "I have decided to give in perpetual liberty some portion of hereditary lands to all those ranks previously in possession, both to God's servants and handmaidens serving God and to laymen, always the tenth hide, and where it is less, then the tenth part."
2. Six dated at Wilton on Easter Day, 22 April 854. In the common text of these charters, Æthelwulf states that "for the sake of his soul and the prosperity of the kingdom and [the salvation of] the people assigned to him by God, he has acted upon the advice given to him by his bishops, comites, and all his nobles. He has granted the tenth part of the lands throughout his kingdom, not only to the churches, but also to his thegns. The land is granted in perpetual liberty, so that it will remain free of royal services and all secular burdens. In return there will be liturgical commemoration of the king and of his bishops and ealdormen."
3. Five from Old Minster, Winchester, connected with the Wilton meeting but generally considered spurious.
4. One from Kent dated 855, the only one to have the same date as the decimation according to Chronicle and Asser. The king grants to his thegn Dunn property in Rochester "on account of the decimation of lands which by God's gift I have decided to do". Dunn left the land to his wife with reversion to Rochester Cathedral.

None of the charters are original, and Stevenson dismissed all of them as fraudulent apart from the Kentish one of 855. Stevenson saw the decimation as a donation of royal demesne to churches and laymen, with those grants which were made to laymen being on the understanding that there would be reversion to a religious institution. Up to the 1990s, his view on the authenticity of the charters was generally accepted by scholars, with the exception of the historian H. P. R. Finberg, who argued in 1964 that most are based on authentic diplomas. Finberg coined the terms the 'First Decimation' of 844, which he saw as the removal of public dues on a tenth of all bookland, and the 'Second Decimation' of 854, the donation of a tenth of "the private domain of the royal house" to the churches. He considered it unlikely that the First Decimation had been carried into effect, probably due to the threat from the Vikings. Finberg's terminology has been adopted, but his defence of the First Decimation generally rejected. In 1994, Keynes defended the Wilton charters in group 2, and his arguments have been widely accepted.

Historians have been divided on how to interpret the Second Decimation, and in 1994, Keynes described it as "one of the most perplexing problems" in the study of 9th-century charters. He set out three alternatives:

1. It conveyed a tenth of the royal demesne – the lands of the crown as opposed to the personal property of the sovereign – into the hands of churches, ecclesiastics and laymen. In Anglo-Saxon England property was either folkland or bookland. The transmission of folkland was governed by the customary rights of kinsmen, subject to the king's approval, whereas bookland was established by the grant of a royal charter, and could be disposed of freely by the owner. Booking land thus converted it by charter from folkland to bookland. The royal demesne was the crown's folkland, whereas the king's bookland was his own personal property which he could leave by will as he chose. In the decimation, Æthelwulf may have conveyed royal folkland by charter to become bookland, in some cases to laymen who already leased the land.
2. It was the booking of a tenth of folkland to its owners, who would then be free to convey it to a church.
3. It was a reduction of one tenth in the secular burdens on lands already in the possession of landowners. The secular burdens would have included the provision of supplies for the king and his officials, and payment of various taxes.

Some scholars, for example Frank Stenton, author of the standard history of Anglo-Saxon England, along with Keynes and Abels, see the Second Decimation as a donation of royal demesne. In Abels' view, Æthelwulf sought loyalty from the aristocracy and church during the king's forthcoming absence from Wessex, and displayed a sense of dynastic insecurity also evident in his father's generosity towards the Kentish church in 838, and in an "avid attention" in this period to compiling and revising royal genealogies. Keynes suggests that "Æthelwulf's purpose was presumably to earn divine assistance in his struggles against the Vikings", and the mid-20th-century historian Eric John observes that "a lifetime of medieval studies teaches one that an early medieval king was never so political as when he was on his knees". The view that the decimation was a donation of the king's own personal estate is supported by the Anglo-Saxonist Alfred P. Smyth, who argues that these were the only lands the king was entitled to alienate by book. The historian Martin Ryan prefers the view that Æthelwulf freed a tenth part of land owned by laymen from secular obligations, who could now endow churches under their own patronage. Ryan sees it as part of a campaign of religious devotion. According to the historian David Pratt, it "is best interpreted as a strategic 'tax cut', designed to encourage cooperation in defensive measures through a partial remission of royal dues". Nelson states that the decimation took place in two phases, in Wessex in 854 and Kent in 855, reflecting that they remained separate kingdoms.

Kelly argues that most charters were based on genuine originals, including the First Decimation of 844. She says: "Commentators have been unkind [and] the 844 version has not been given the benefit of the doubt". In her view, Æthelwulf then gave a 10% tax reduction on bookland, and ten years later he took the more generous step of "a widespread distribution of royal lands". Unlike Finberg, she believes that both decimations were carried out, although the second one may not have been completed due to opposition from Æthelwulf's son Æthelbald. She thinks that the grants of bookland to laymen in the Second Decimation were unconditional, not with reversion to religious houses as Stevenson had argued. However, Keynes is not convinced by Kelly's arguments, and thinks that the First Decimation charters were 11th or early 12th century fabrications.

Pilgrimage to Rome and later life

In 855, Æthelwulf went on pilgrimage to Rome. According to Abels: "Æthelwulf was at the height of his power and prestige. It was a propitious time for the West Saxon king to claim a place of honour among the kings and emperors of christendom." His eldest surviving sons Æthelbald and Æthelberht were then adults, while Æthelred and Alfred were still young children. In 853 Æthelwulf sent his younger sons to Rome, perhaps accompanying envoys in connection with his own forthcoming visit. Alfred, and probably Æthelred as well, were invested with the "belt of consulship". Æthelred's part in the journey is only known from a contemporary record in the liber vitae of San Salvatore, Brescia, as later records such as the Anglo-Saxon Chronicle were only interested in recording the honour paid to Alfred. Abels sees the embassy as paving the way for Æthelwulf's pilgrimage, and the presence of Alfred, his youngest and therefore most expendable son, as a gesture of goodwill to the papacy; confirmation by Pope Leo IV made Alfred his spiritual son, and thus created a spiritual link between the two "fathers". Kirby argues that the journey may indicate that Alfred was intended for the church, while Nelson on the contrary sees Æthelwulf's purpose as affirming his younger sons' throneworthiness, thus protecting them against being tonsured by their elder brothers, which would have rendered them ineligible for kingship.

Æthelwulf set out for Rome in the spring of 855, accompanied by Alfred and a large retinue. The King left Wessex in the care of his oldest surviving son, Æthelbald, and the sub-kingdom of Kent to the rule of Æthelberht, and thereby confirmed that they were to succeed to the two kingdoms. On the way the party stayed with Charles the Bald in Francia, where there were the usual banquets and exchange of gifts. Æthelwulf stayed a year in Rome, and his gifts to the Diocese of Rome included a gold crown weighing 4ポンド (1.8 kg), two gold goblets, a sword bound with gold, four silver-gilt bowls, two silk tunics and two gold-interwoven veils. He also gave gold to the clergy and leading men and silver to the people of Rome. According to the historian Joanna Story, his gifts rivalled those of Carolingian donors and the Byzantine emperor and "were clearly chosen to reflect the personal generosity and spiritual wealth of the West Saxon king; here was no Germanic 'hillbilly' from the backwoods of the Christian world but, rather, a sophisticated, wealthy and utterly contemporary monarch". The post-Conquest chronicler William of Malmesbury stated that he helped to pay for the restoration of the Saxon quarter, which had recently been destroyed by fire, for English pilgrims.

The pilgrimage puzzles historians and Kelly comments that "it is extraordinary that an early medieval king could consider his position safe enough to abandon his kingdom in a time of extreme crisis". She suggests that Æthelwulf may have been motivated by a personal religious impulse. Ryan sees it as an attempt to placate the divine wrath displayed by Viking attacks, whereas Nelson thinks he aimed to enhance his prestige in dealing with the demands of his adult sons. In Kirby's view:

Æthelwulf's journey to Rome is of great interest for it did not signify abdication and a retreat from the world as their journeys to Rome had for Cædwalla and Ine and other Anglo-Saxon kings. It was more a display of the king's international standing and a demonstration of the prestige his dynasty enjoyed in Frankish and papal circles.

On his way back from Rome Æthelwulf again stayed with King Charles the Bald, and may have joined him on a campaign against a Viking warband. On 1 October 856 Æthelwulf married Charles's daughter, Judith, aged 12 or 13, at Verberie. The marriage was considered extraordinary by contemporaries and by modern historians. Carolingian princesses rarely married and were usually sent to nunneries, and it was almost unknown for them to marry foreigners. Judith was crowned queen and anointed by Hincmar, Archbishop of Rheims. Although empresses had been anointed before, this is the first definitely known anointing of a Carolingian queen. In addition West Saxon custom, described by Asser as "perverse and detestable", was that the wife of a king of Wessex could not be called queen or sit on the throne with her husband – she was just the king's wife.

Æthelwulf returned to Wessex to face a revolt by Æthelbald, who attempted to prevent his father from recovering his throne. Historians give varying explanations for both the rebellion and the marriage. In Nelson's view, Æthelwulf's marriage to Judith added the West Saxon king to the family of kings and princely allies which Charles was creating. Charles was under attack both from Vikings and from a rising among his own nobility, and Æthelwulf had great prestige due to his victories over the Vikings; some historians such as Kirby and Pauline Stafford see the marriage as sealing an anti-Viking alliance. The marriage gave Æthelwulf a share in Carolingian prestige, and Kirby describes the anointing of Judith as "a charismatic sanctification which enhanced her status, blessed her womb and conferred additional throne-worthiness on her male offspring." These marks of a special status implied that a son of hers would succeed to at least part of Æthelwulf's kingdom, and explain Æthelbald's decision to rebel. The historian Michael Enright denies that an anti-Viking alliance between two such distant kingdoms could serve any useful purpose, and argues that the marriage was Æthelwulf's response to news that his son was planning to rebel; his son by an anointed Carolingian queen would be in a strong position to succeed as king of Wessex instead of the rebellious Æthelbald. Abels suggests that Æthelwulf sought Judith's hand because he needed her father's money and support to overcome his son's rebellion, but Kirby and Smyth argue that it is extremely unlikely that Charles the Bald would have agreed to marry his daughter to a ruler who was known to be in serious political difficulty. Æthelbald may also have acted out of resentment at the loss of patrimony he suffered as a result of the decimation.

Æthelbald's rebellion was supported by Ealhstan, Bishop of Sherborne, and Eanwulf, ealdorman of Somerset, even though they appear to have been two of the king's most trusted advisers. According to Asser, the plot was concerted "in the western part of Selwood", and western nobles may have backed Æthelbald because they resented the patronage Æthelwulf gave to eastern Wessex. Asser also stated that Æthelwulf agreed to give up the western part of his kingdom in order to avoid a civil war. Some historians such as Keynes and Abels think that his rule was then confined to the south-east, while others such as Kirby think it is more likely that it was Wessex itself which was divided, with Æthelbald keeping Wessex west of Selwood, Æthelwulf holding the centre and east, and Æthelberht keeping the south-east. Æthelwulf insisted that Judith should sit beside him on the throne until the end of his life, and according to Asser this was "without any disagreement or dissatisfaction on the part of his nobles".

King Æthelwulf's ring

King Æthelwulf's ring

King Æthelwulf's ring was found in a cart rut in Laverstock in Wiltshire in about August 1780 by one William Petty, who sold it to a silversmith in Salisbury. The silversmith sold it to the Earl of Radnor, and the earl's son, William, donated it to the British Museum in 1829. The ring, together with a similar ring of Æthelwulf's daughter Æthelswith, is one of two key examples of nielloed 9th-century metalwork. They appear to represent the emergence of a "court style" of West Saxon metalwork, characterised by an unusual Christian iconography, such as a pair of peacocks at the Fountain of Life on the Æthelwulf ring, associated with Christian immortality. The ring is inscribed "Æthelwulf Rex", firmly associating it with the King, and the inscription forms part of the design, so it cannot have been added later. Many of its features are typical of 9th-century metalwork, such as the design of two birds, beaded and speckled borders, and a saltire with arrow-like terminals on the back. It was probably manufactured in Wessex, but was typical of the uniformity of animal ornament in England in the 9th century. In the view of Leslie Webster, an expert on medieval art: "Its fine Trewhiddle style ornament would certainly fit a mid ninth-century date." In Nelson's view, "it was surely made to be a gift from this royal lord to a brawny follower: the sign of a successful ninth-century kingship". The art historian David Wilson sees it as a survival of the pagan tradition of the generous king as the "ring-giver".

Æthelwulf's will

A page from King Alfred's will

Æthelwulf's will has not survived, but Alfred's has and it provides some information about his father's intentions. He left a bequest to be inherited by whichever of Æthelbald, Æthelred, and Alfred lived longest. Abels and Yorke argue that this meant the whole of his personal property in Wessex, and probably that the survivor was to inherit the throne of Wessex as well, while Æthelberht and his heirs ruled Kent. Other historians disagree. Nelson states that the provision regarding the personal property had nothing to do with the kingship, and Kirby comments: "Such an arrangement would have led to fratricidal strife. With three older brothers, Alfred's chances of reaching adulthood would, one feels, have been minimal." Smyth describes the bequest as provision for his youngest sons when they reached manhood. Æthelwulf's moveable wealth, such as gold and silver, was to be divided among "children, nobles and the needs of the king's soul". For the latter, he left one tenth of his hereditary land to be set aside to feed the poor, and he ordered that three hundred mancuses be sent to Rome each year, one hundred to be spent on lighting the lamps in St Peter's at Easter, one hundred for the lights of St Paul's, and one hundred for the pope.

Death and succession

Æthelwulf died on 13 January 858. According to the Annals of St Neots, he was buried at Steyning in Sussex, but his body was later transferred to Winchester, probably by Alfred. As Æthelwulf had intended, he was succeeded by Æthelbald in Wessex and Æthelberht in Kent and the south-east. The prestige conferred by a Frankish marriage was so great that Æthelbald then wedded his step-mother Judith, to Asser's retrospective horror; he described the marriage as a "great disgrace", and "against God's prohibition and Christian dignity". When Æthelbald died only two years later, Æthelberht became King of Wessex as well as Kent, and Æthelwulf's intention of dividing his kingdoms between his sons was thus set aside. In the view of Yorke and Abels, this was because Æthelred and Alfred were too young to rule, and Æthelberht agreed in return that his younger brothers would inherit the whole kingdom on his death, whereas Kirby and Nelson think that Æthelberht just became the trustee for his younger brothers' share of their father's bequest.

After Æthelbald's death, Judith sold her possessions and returned to her father, but two years later she eloped with Baldwin, Count of Flanders. In the 890s their son, also called Baldwin, married Alfred's daughter, Ælfthryth.

Historiography

Æthelwulf's reputation among historians was poor in the twentieth century. In 1935, the historian R. H. Hodgkin attributed his pilgrimage to Rome to "the unpractical piety which had led him to desert his kingdom at a time of great danger", and described his marriage to Judith as "the folly of a man senile before his time". To Stenton in the 1960s, he was "a religious and unambitious man, for whom engagement in war and politics was an unwelcome consequence of rank". One dissenter was Finberg, who in 1964 described him as "a king whose valour in war and princely munificence recalled the figures of the heroic age", but in 1979, Enright said: "More than anything else he appears to have been an impractical religious enthusiast." Early medieval writers, especially Asser, emphasise his religiosity and his preference for consensus, seen in the concessions made to avert a civil war on his return from Rome. In Story's view, "his legacy has been clouded by accusations of excessive piety which (to modern sensibilities at least) has seemed at odds with the demands of early medieval kingship". In 839, an unnamed Anglo-Saxon king wrote to the Holy Roman Emperor Louis the Pious asking for permission to travel through his territory on the way to Rome, and relating an English priest's dream which foretold disaster unless Christians abandoned their sins. This is now believed to have been an unrealised project of Ecgberht at the end of his life, but it was formerly attributed to Æthelwulf, and seen as exhibiting what Story calls his reputation for "dramatic piety", and irresponsibility for planning to abandon his kingdom at the beginning of his reign.

In the twenty-first century, he is seen very differently by historians. Æthelwulf is not listed in the index of Peter Hunter Blair's An Introduction to Anglo-Saxon England, first published in 1956, but in a new introduction to the 2003 edition, Keynes listed him among people "who have not always been accorded the attention they might be thought to deserve ... for it was he, more than any other, who secured the political fortune of his people in the ninth century, and who opened up channels of communication which led through Frankish realms and across the Alps to Rome". According to Story: "Æthelwulf acquired and cultivated a reputation both in Francia and Rome which is unparalleled in the sources since the height of Offa's and Coenwulf's power at the turn of the ninth century".

Nelson describes him as "one of the great underrated among Anglo-Saxons", and complains that she was only allowed 2,500 words for him in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography, compared with 15,000 for Edward II and 35,000 for Elizabeth I. She says:

Æthelwulf's reign has been relatively under-appreciated in modern scholarship. Yet he laid the foundations for Alfred's success. To the perennial problems of husbanding the kingdom's resources, containing conflicts within the royal family, and managing relations with neighbouring kingdoms, Æthelwulf found new as well as traditional answers. He consolidated old Wessex, and extended his reach over what is now Devon and Cornwall. He ruled Kent, working with the grain of its political community. He borrowed ideological props from Mercians and Franks alike, and went to Rome, not to die there, like his predecessor Ine, ... but to return, as Charlemagne had, with enhanced prestige. Æthelwulf coped more effectively with Scandinavian attacks than did most contemporary rulers.

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External links

• イングランドのアングロサクソンのプロソポグラフィのÆthelwulf 1。
• Ethelwulf, King of the West Saxons - ナショナル・ポートレート・ギャラリー （英語）

爵位・家督
先代 Ecgberht	King of Wessex 839–858	次代 Æthelbald